Francisco Madero and his Revolutionary Divide
Francisco Madero burst onto the political scene of Mexico in 1910 when he ran against Porfirio Diaz for the Presidency. Not initially considered a serious contender, Madero soon garnered support from the upper and middle classes with his promise of democracy . His platform of no re-election offered a voice to those who had previously been silenced under the Diaz regime. His “No Re-electionist Party” rallies attracted crowds in the tens of thousands.
As Diaz began to recognize the threat that Madero presented, he began to dispatch disruptive groups to his speeches. The Diaz operatives destroyed campaign materials and were successful in shutting down the Anti Re-Elecciónista, Madero’s newspaper. Madero then went to Diaz and offered to halt his campaign if Diaz would agree to have him run as his Vice President. Not only did Diaz decline his offer, but he had him arrested and jailed, thereby winning the presidency (Gonzales, p.73).
While in jail, Madero began to put a plan together to overthrow Diaz by force. Upon his release, he snuck into the United States where he could access his family’s wealth (Gonzales, p. 73). He immediately began to gather together supporters and family members to develop his plan for an armed revolution. His Plan de San Luis Potosí called for the annulment of the recent Mexico election, free elections, and a no re-Election promise (Gonzales, p. 73). It also made a vague promise to return to the rightful owners, lands that had been illegally taken through public lands law, although his focus remained on political reform (Gonzales, p.74).
The revolution began with mixed results (Gonzales, p.74). However, over time the victories mounted. Rebels from different factions ranging from armed villagers to political activists participated in raids against local and federal governments, as well as the federal army. With the capture of Ciudad Juarez, a treaty was signed Gonzales, p. 80). The Treaty of Ciudad Juarez called for Diaz to step down, an interim president to be appointed and a joint cabinet of both Porfirians and Maderistas would be formed, and an election would be held as soon as possible (Gonzales, p. 80). Madero won the election by a large margin (Gonzales, p. 86).
Madero envisioned the revolution would eliminate the corruption of the Diaz regime and establish a democracy where every person would have a voice. He envisioned democracy being the key to fixing the country’s problems, and that through reforms of the political process in Mexico, everything would be solved . He also envisioned the revolution coming to an end because the objective of removing Diaz had been achieved. His middle class supporters envisioned the revolution as a means of finally giving them some equality in the political process and as providing economic stability.
The lower classes, consisting of campesinos and laborers, envisioned the revolution giving them back their land that they had lost to large Haciendas under the Diaz regime through unethical and often illegal methods such as bribery and violence (Gonzales, p. 87). They also wanted to maintain self determination (Gonzales, p. 75). They believed that Madero would stand by the commitment in his Plan de San Luis Potosí to ensure that all lands would be returned to their rightful owners.
It is fair to say that neither side got what they envisioned. Madero talked a lot about reforming the politics of Mexico, but much of the political structure that was established under Porforio Diaz was kept intact after his election (Gonzales, p. 80). Instead of appointing progressives, he appointed conservatives (Gonzales, p.87). As negotiated in the Treaty of Ciudad Juarez, the federal army that had defended Diaz remained, as did the supreme court, congress and federal bureaucracies (Gonzales, p. 82).
The middle class, which consisted of small business owners and the working class, were disappointed in Madero. The mining industry expected Madero to support their fight against foreign owned mines and their using foreign workers (Gonzales, p. 83). Strikes were organized to protest, which resulted in arrests and restrictions on union organizing (Gonzales, p. 83). They were able to see that any real change was impossible with the same people running the country still in place.
The most volatile group, and angriest at Madero, were the lower classes. He had secured their support during his revolution and subsequent campaign by dangling the possibility of getting their land back that had been illegally taken under the Diaz regime. However, in the Treaty of Ciudad Juarez, he backed away from that promise saying he supported the court system deciding land disputes; the same court system that had allowed their lands to be taken in the first place Gonzales, p. 74). After his election as President, Madero reaffirmed this position. This angered the lower classes and caused them to join rebellions led by revolutionary leaders who were intent on overthrowing Madero (Gonzales, p.87).
With discontent growing, General Victoriano Huerta, a member of the Federal Army, that Madero kept after overthrowing Diaz, made his move to overthrow Madero. Backed by Porfirian elites and international investors, he overthrew Madero. Madero agreed to give up the presidency in exchange for safe passage into the United States. However, Huerta had him and his vice president taken to the federal penitentiary where they were both shot and killed.
Madero’s failure to achieve comprehensive reforms and his continued ties with the Porfirian establishment caused him to lose the support of his followers. The lower classes aligning with social revolutionaries due to his disregard of their plight in regard to land reform only added to his troubles. These are the issues that led to his downfall.
In my estimation, this early period of revolution and counter-revolution was significant because it was the first steps toward the eventual formation of a constitutional government that has remained in place since the Mexican Revolution came to an end.
References:
Francisco I. Madero, three-quarter length portrait. Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress. loc.gov. https://www.loc.gov/item/2005688493/
Gonzales, Michael J. (2002). The Mexican Revolution — 1910–1940, University of New Mexico Press
