Editorial
Sunday 24th June 2018
This week witnessed two important, if not non-negligible developments in unionism and in the politics of Northern Ireland as a whole. Both concern the DUP and its leader. They are significant developments because of the electoral power and influence of the DUP, the largest and most influential political party in the province, and also the key factor that balances power at Westminster, in favour of the Theresa May government.
The first development was the claim that Party leader Ms Foster had accepted an invitation to attend a pride event at Stormont later this month. This is significant because of the long-standing anti-LGBT+ attitude of the DUP. Many commentaries focused on the fact that this could be, if not this is, a mere publicity stunt. This was also the point made by some ‘experts’ of the DUP, from the comfort zone of their ivory tower of the academy.
The DUP is a political party. Political parties routinely engage in publicity and media stunts. Calling the First Minister’s decision to attend a Pride event a ‘publicity stunt’ has nothing analytical to it. Instead, it is a mere ‘water is wet’-type hollow statement.
What matters here is the fact that the DUP’s position in relation to LGBT+ rights, which has so far been (and very much continues to be) blatantly LGBT+phobic, is being rattled by this decision.
The DUP, a socially conservative political party, is now making way to a posture that is a) willing to ‘see’ and ‘interact with’ the LGBT+ community, and b) understands, at its very top, that a position of constant LGBT+phobia is no longer an advisable strategy to pursue.
To someone familiar with the politics of Northern Ireland, and especially the politics of Unionism, these are somewhat game-changing observations.
The decision of Ms Foster to attend the Pride event should be welcomed. However, it is very important to be crystal-clear about one fact — that this decision does not, and should not, provide ground for us to soften the progressive critique of the DUP and its archaic policies [if not lack of policies] when it comes to crucial gender justice and fundamental rights issues.
Rome was not built in a day, and changing the conservatisms and ‘majoritarian complexes’ of Unionism will not happen in the morning. The evolution of Unionism, especially in the last century, shows us that maintaining a liberal unionist, if not progressive position has been the most pressing challenge that moderate Unionist politicians were brought to face.
The second important development is yet another gesture by the DUP leader — that of attending the Ulster Championship GAA Final earlier today (Sunday 24th June 2018).
In the context of the current stalemate at Stormont, the presence of the DUP leader at an important GAA event signifies something. It is an act of soft diplomacy. Once can only expect that Unionism will continue to repeat such friendly gestures and that such gestures will be reciprocated by Irish nationalism/republicanism. The focus, after all, and let’s not forget, is on a shared society and a shared future.
At Parliament Square in London, protesters gathered to call for a second EU referendum on 23rd May 2018, to mark the 2nd anniversary of the 2016 Brexit referendum.
The May Government has expressed a willingness to move out of the EU with no deal, which the Foreign Secretary has termed a ‘full British brexit’.
This, to put it simply, is the last thing Britain and the British people need. An adamant attitude of this nature would only mean no access to the Common Market, an insecure immigration situation to EU nationals and their families in the UK, and to British nationals and their families scattered across the EU, and major problems for border control, and the movement of people.
The sheer emptiness of the small-minded ‘getting our country back’ or ‘being in control’ discourses should be constantly highlighted and exposed.
The European Union comes with its fair share of flaws, failures, international disasters, and problems. However, letting the current Conservative government to take Britain out of the EU at any cost means nothing but an avalanche of problems for the people of the United Kingdom.
It is no news that a no-deal Brexit is particularly unfavourable to Northern Ireland.
Last Wednesday, PSNI Chief Constable George Hamilton claimed that the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) system is ‘critical in the fight against crime’ (direct quote from the Belfast Telegraph, Wednesday 20th June 2018, p.01). As Chief Negotiator former French Foreign Minister Michel Barnier has outlined, the UK will be kicked out of the EAW system after Brexit.
This is one among many prices to pay for the ‘take our country back’ [non]discourse.
One positive sign is the news that some fifty Tory MPs are prepared to defy the Prime Minister if the government is to walk Britain to a no-deal brexit.
The Labour hierarchy’s slumber over Brexit, largely caused by a commitment to ‘lexit’ is in need of urgent review.
If the move is towards a no-deal Brexit, it is far from the time to stand for a lexit discourse at any cost. If Brexit carries a clear risk to fundamental rights, equality and justice, and to the British economy and to the free movement of peoples, sticking to a lexit discourse simply runs against the grain of all progressive positions of the ‘left’.
One can only hope that in the coming weeks and months, all progressive forces will gather to prevent a no-deal brexit.
