Blackness and Masculinity: Navigating Military and Veteran Life in America
By Bryon L. Garner
America has over 341 million people, and 18 million, or 6%, are veterans. Of the 18 million veterans, 14 percent are Black. I am one of the 2.4 million Black veterans in America. I served in the U.S. Navy from the mid-1980s to the early 1990s. Within months of my return from the Persian Gulf after Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm — amid the patriotic euphoria that occurred after defeating Iraq — I watched several white officers beat Rodney King on the evening news broadcast. Even more than in general society, race and masculinity are central to a military defined by warrior culture. Central to my military experience was navigating stereotypes and comparisons of how I measured up to the white male warrior archetype. This has largely been true for Black male veterans since we began serving in the U.S. military. This aspect of our experiences is crucial to understanding a story that remains to be thoroughly discussed.
Based on my experiences in the Navy and the experiences of my family members who served in the military, race and masculinity have historically influenced cultural narratives in the U.S. and persist today. For example, the public perception of the service and sacrifice of white NFL player Pat Tillman compared with a lesser-known Black serviceman provides an example of the centrality of race and masculinity within military culture. Pat Tillman was a notable NFL football player for the Arizona Cardinals during the 2001 season. On April 22, 2004, Private (PVT) Tillman was killed in action in the fog of combat by members of his unit. His life and legacy were honored in a book, a documentary, and a naming ceremony. By contrast, LaDavid Johnson, who is a Black man, joined the Army in January 2014 and was assigned to the Third Special Forces Group. Sergeant (SGT) Johnson, along with three white members of his unit, were embedded within a Nigerien military unit on a mission to investigate Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) activity near Tongo Tongo, Niger. On October 4, 2017, SGT Johnson was separated from the rest of his unit when over 200 ISGS soldiers attacked it. SGT Johnson and the three members of his unit were surrounded and subsequently killed. Speaking to his pregnant widow, the commander-in-chief in office at that time coldly told her, “he knew what he signed up for.” This is the same commander-in-chief who would later state that those who died for their country are “losers and suckers.” Furthermore, at the time he made his comments to SGT Johnson’s widow, he was also calling Black male athletes “sons of bitches” for kneeling during the national anthem. Black men, as soldiers and as athletes, sacrificing their lives and risking their reputations to make a stand for their dignity, have historically been attacked as subversive and counter to the American way, even though this nation was born in the crucible of protest against tyranny.
A white male archetype has historically been central to military culture and veteran identity. Persistent systemic racism and systemic white masculine bias — a bias that prioritizes white perspectives on masculinity — exists that often questions the masculinity of Black veterans. This means there is a lens through which Black veterans and servicemembers are seen where there is a persistent white frame of reference. Ben Carrington’s discussion about masculinity and Black cultural resistance illustrated how masculinity has implied power, control, and authority, attributes which have often been denied for Black men within hierarchical social structures. Data presented by the Council on Foreign Relations illustrate the demographics of today’s active-duty population, which skews 60 percent white and male despite the growing numbers of Americans who belong to Black and ethnic populations. White racial preference and masculinity largely influence military and veteran culture through social and positional authority (e.g., officer, enlisted). Access to specialized units within the military (e.g., special forces), perceptions about job specialties (e.g., aviation, infantry, logistical.), and even branches of service are all influenced by racial and masculine dynamic forces. In 2021, reports show that 95 percent of officers in the Navy SEALS — the special operations unit of the U.S. Navy — were white, and 87 percent of the Army’s Special Forces officers were white. Still, only 2 percent of members are Black for each, respectively. The enlisted ranks have only slightly better representation of Black servicemembers. Carrington’s context helps reveal what the statistics above illustrate: As recently as 2021, Black men — whether officer or enlisted — are less represented within specialized units within the military, such as special forces, through limited access and the hierarchical structure of a military that advantages white males.
Moreover, in a report published by the U.S. Air Force Inspector General, the Black race was identified as a “barrier” and “challenge” that “others do not face.” While not attributing all barriers faced by non-white males entirely to racism, the report concludes that race, ethnicity, and gender are correlating factors. The point here is that the data indicates a persistent cultural bias exists within the military culture that privileges white males.
The white male warrior archetype is the embodiment of racialized conflict and tension within veteran identity. Polling by the Black Veterans Project concludes, “53% of minority service members have seen examples of white nationalism or ideologically driven racism among their fellow troops.” They add, “1 in 3 Black servicemembers fear reporting discrimination for fear of retribution”. A survey by Syracuse University revealed that 45% of Black veterans believed their racial/ethnic identity hurt their ability to advance in their careers. A 2023 Government Accountability Office (GAO) audit of twenty years of veteran claims revealed Black veterans experienced significant racial disparities regarding access to healthcare, prevention and management of homelessness, and joblessness. These findings illustrate the persistence of the military’s white masculine ideal of a white male warrior archetype — that Black veterans must navigate during and after their military service.
The men in my family and I navigated the military differently as we each confronted the complexities of being Black men in the military, in large part due to the evolving culture of the military across generations. Nonetheless, our experiences share common markers based upon historical racial dynamics. There remains an untold story — our American military still has more progress to make, notwithstanding the progress that has been made since 1948. Black veteran experiences at the intersection of race and masculinity are often different from the experiences of our white peers. Central to my military experience was being measured against the white male warrior archetype. This was especially true because I wanted to be a military officer when I enlisted in the Navy. I received racialized comments and jokes and felt isolated as I navigated the borders of my identities of being Black and enlisted, and later, being an officer candidate. This continued as I navigated tension in the divide between military and civilian. Years later, I realized that other male family members suffered trauma at the intersection of Blackness and masculinity as well.
In my upcoming book, I analyze the experiences of three generations of Black veterans through the prism of race, patriotism, and veteran identity. I argue that Black veteranality — the lived experiences of Black veterans are distinctly different from our white peers. Black veteranality conceptually illustrates how the dynamics of military and veteran identity perpetuate historical racialized power dynamics across all aspects of military culture. Black veterans are held to a white masculine warrior archetype during and after military service and transitioning from military to civilian life. Black and white veterans are often not treated equally within or outside of the military. Data provided by the GAO and the US Air Force OIG reports illustrate significant challenges that remain that disadvantage Black veterans and servicemembers. Many personal recollections also confirm that the Black veteran experience is often distinct from our white peers, and the value of these stories is important for understanding the dynamics of masculinity and veteran identity in our military.
Separating masculinity and power, especially power based upon racialized dynamics, is problematic. Military culture is hierarchical and privileges those who meet cultural norms. Deconstructing masculinity within the context of military culture requires acknowledging that multiple identities, such as race, class, sexuality, and age, do, in fact, intersect within the military culture and are not counter to building or maintaining a culture of warfighting. Decentering the white male warrior archetype does not lower standards or make our military weak. Changing conceptions of leadership and warfighting culture have evolved over the past 76 years since Executive Order 9981 integrated the U.S. military, but, it is clear, more work is required.
Bryon L. Garner is an adjunct humanities professor at Barber-Scotia College. His research analyzes the intersection of race, veteran identity, and patriotism from the perspective of Black American veterans.
