香港戰略地位:奧爾布賴特「八國聯軍」往事

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recall-hk
Published in
27 min readMar 27, 2022

美國前國務卿奧爾布賴特(Madeleine Albright)逝世,她在克林頓總統第二任期出任國務卿,期間幾次接待港府高層與民主派代表李柱銘,肯定香港在中美兩國打破貿易人權障礙攜手發大財過程的橋樑角色。有傳當年她參與主權移交典禮,更曾被特首董建華形容為「八國聯軍」。

2000年5月3日民主黨主席李柱銘與黨友單仲偕訪美拜會國務卿奧爾布賴特,就美方將中國納入永久正常貿易關係進行遊說。[圖:martinlee.org.hk]

1. 美國最早獲邀觀禮

眾所周知,香港主權交接儀式被視為中英兩國盛事,雙方專家組談判近一年,終在1997年3月下旬聯合聯絡小組第39次會議確認國際嘉賓名單,主要是與香港有密切經貿關係的40多國和30多國際組織代表。

當中最早獲邀者,是美國國務卿奧爾布賴特。3月初北京兩會期間,副總理錢其琛就搶閘爆料說,上禮拜趁奧卿訪華,已把握時機口頭邀她來港觀禮,為中共干預香港闢謠,時間還上早過聯合聯絡小組會議。

錢其琛(2004)《外交十記》
SCMP(1997-3-5)

當時英方已就臨時立法會與人權議題跟中方周旋到尾聲,2月17日《南華早報》頭版說英方承認敗陣,外相聶偉敬(Malcolm Rifkind)揚言一直為港發聲,但對中方另建臨立會及削弱人權法俱無力挽。

SCMP(1997–2–17)

4月中,民主黨主席李柱銘訪美會見奧爾布賴特為續予中國最惠國待遇進行遊說,同時促請她出席香港主權交接儀式,以示美方認真看待香港議題。

SCMP(1997–4–16)
九七前夕,李柱銘、司徒華與鄭家富走訪美加各地為民主黨籌款。[圖:議事論事(1997年4月3日)]

翌日,奧爾布賴特公開表明接受邀請赴港。

[圖:AP Archive youtu.be/OzRp8tjwyBA]
SCMP(1997–4–17)

那邊廂,英國大選變天,保守黨兵敗如山倒,工黨領袖貝理雅(Tony Blair)接替馬卓安(John Major)出任首相。前中國駐英大使憶述,貝理雅政府對港立場更趨軟化,說要破除障礙使香港重新扮演中英橋樑角色。

解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)

解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日):

馬振崗(前駐英大使):「5月12日,外交大臣郭偉邦[Robin Cook]會見我時談到中英較大的問題是臨時立法會的問題,郭偉邦說在這問題上我們還是有不同意見的,但既然事情已經如此,我們準備順從現實。這句話給我的印象是,英國工黨政府在對香港問題上可能立場有所鬆動,或有所轉變,他們不準備糾纏了。」
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
更令馬大使驚喜的是,英國首相貝理雅藉著傳媒大亨梅鐸的晚宴,向他傳達了更多信息。
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
馬振崗:「談到香港問題,他說香港問題應該是中英關係的橋樑,而不是障礙。然後他說,我準備出席香港交接儀式。我心頭一震。據我記憶,當時初步定政府代表是兩國外長,突然現在是貝理雅首相政府首腦要去。我再問,你意思是你要親自參加這次交接儀式,他說是的,我們剛剛決定是我去。」首相貝理雅希望出席回歸大典,意味著中國總理李鵬也要對等參加回歸儀式,提升大典規格。
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
馬振崗:「他本人首相也參加交接儀式,他不可能在好多問題和中方頂撞,使這個交接儀式不能順利進行,他一定要使它成功,他也特別有面子。」
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)

中方人員憶述的這版本,略去了一個重要波折,就是貝理雅曾要在西方陣營裡拉隊「杯葛」特區政府就職儀式,當時盟友美國亦同步和應。

2. 中方植入臨立會宣誓

SCMP(1997–6–1)

據傳媒報道,先是中方在主權移交典禮安排上打算「有風駛盡艃」,在主權交接儀式後,特區政府就職與臨立會議員宣誓綑綁式進行,迫使各國嘉賓做證,為其解散立法局及成立臨立會騙取國際認可。李柱銘特別助理Mary Stuart Worden形容此舉令各國領袖變人質;《華盛頓郵報》描述一直對臨立會有保留的英美陷入兩難;《南華早報》轉引《泰晤士報》更指英方震怒。

Washington Post(1997–6–7):

China has plans to use the all-night June 30 ceremonies in which it takes control of Hong Kong from Britain as a chance to swear in its controversial, handpicked legislature before a large audience of international dignitaries.The maneuver, intended to bestow an aura of international approval on the contested body, has created a diplomatic dilemma for the hundreds of visiting officials — including Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright — who would be reluctant to disrupt the historic handover but are opposed to Beijing’s setting up the interim lawmaking body.British Prime Minister Tony Blair has not decided yet whether to attend because he does not want to be in the audience if the ceremonies include the swearing-in of the appointed legislature. China is planning to disband the current, elected legislature because of Beijing’s anger over a democratic reform package put in place by the outgoing British governor, Chris Patten.But British officials are said to be irked that Blair’s position has not received backing from other countries, specifically the United States and Canada. Both will still be sending high-level delegations even with the likelihood that the legislature will be sworn in just after the new chief executive, the shipping tycoon Tung Chee-hwa, takes his oath of office in the early hours of July 1.The fear here is that if the appointed legislature is sworn in with the world’s high-powered dignitaries looking on, the body — which is set to be challenged in Hong Kong courts — will carry a new legitimacy.“It’s just to say it was done in the presence of the representatives of 50 countries,” said Nihal Jayawickrama, a legal scholar at the University of Hong Kong and a frequent commentator on local affairs.For China, he said, the presence of the world’s prime ministers and foreign secretaries “is a glorious opportunity not to be missed.”
圖:《華盛頓郵報》網站
Some here are urging the United States, and Albright, to take a clear stand and announce that she will boycott the proceedings if the program includes swearing in the appointed legislature.“It’s unthinkable that she would go to that at all,” said Mary Stuart Worden, a special assistant to the Hong Kong Democratic Party chairman and legislator Martin Lee. “You’ve got world leaders here and you’ve got them literally hostage in their seats.”“We’ve all known for months that the Chinese were going to do this, {to} shove it down their throats if the dignitaries were going to be here,” Worden said. “What you don’t expect is the State Department and Madeleine Albright to waffle on it.”A statement issued today by the U.S. consulate said Albright would attend the handover ceremony to “demonstrate U.S. support of the maintenance of Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy, way of life, and freedoms, as well as U.S. economic, law enforcement, and other interests in Hong Kong.”As of now, Albright is going, whether Blair goes or not, a senior State Department official said in Washington.Another senior official said Albright is “aware of the situation” with the legislature but has not decided what, if anything, to do about it. Albright herself, asked about it at the end of an interview, observed cryptically, “It’s Britain’s party, isn’t it?” She did not elaborate.According to a recently announced schedule of events, the Chinese flag will be raised and the British flag lowered at the stroke of midnight on June 30 at a new extension to Hong Kong’s convention center on picturesque Victoria Harbor with the city’s dramatic skyline as a backdrop. Tung and the provisional legislature will be sworn in at a ceremony about an hour-and-a-half later.It is unclear whether Tung and the legislature would be sworn in together or one after another — meaning that guests could leave in-between. To boycott Tung’s swearing-in might be seen as a mark of disrespect for the new chief executive.One plan was for the appointed body to be sworn in at the domed, colonial legislature building now used by the current, elected panel. But there are fears that the square around the legislative chambers will be occupied on handover night by demonstrators opposed to disbanding the elected legislature, and that protesters might try to disrupt any swearing-in ceremony or prevent the new members from entering the building.

據《華郵》報道,當時還有另一方案,就是主權移交當晚臨立會議員在原立法局大樓宣誓,但擔心遭大批反對解散立法局民眾阻撓,所以未被採納。

TVB 1997年香港大事回顧
TVB 1997年香港大事回顧

3. 英美表態澄清立場,老董怒斥「八國聯軍」

那段時間,民主黨李柱銘與前綫劉慧卿都有撰文要求英美就香港向中方企硬。李柱銘更赴倫敦促英政府以法律途徑挑戰臨立會合法性,結果遭拒絕。

左:SCMP(1997–2–17);右:SCMP(1997–5–11)
左:SCMP(1997–5–29);右:SCMP(1997–5–31)

雖然如此,英美政府亦受一定輿論壓力。在中方綑綁式進逼下,兩國首腦難免要以行動澄清本身立場。早早答應出席香港主權交接儀式,又未被正式邀請參與特區政府成立典禮的美國國務卿就先此聲明說,即使請也不去 “I have decided that if invited, I personally would not attend. It is important for us to make clear that we do not endorse what they are doing.”[參下圖SCMP(1997–6–12)];至於英方,在促請中方放棄綑綁式安排不果後,首相及外交部也婉轉表示不會參與見證臨立會議員宣誓。

左:SCMP(1997–6–7);右:SCMP(1997–6–11)
左:SCMP(1997–6–12);右:CNN網站(1997年7月15日)

當時中國外交部、香港特首辦與臨立會主席范徐麗泰對著傳媒還一片淡然,說「來不來貴客自理」。不過《亞洲週刊》卻爆料,特首董建華在得悉英美反應時,在內部高層會議曾氣急敗壞,怒斥西方有如「八國聯軍」。

《亞洲週刊》(1997年6月16日)

《亞洲週刊》(1997年6月16日)25:

以英國為首的力量決定在香港回歸慶典時,杯葛臨時立法會的就職典禮,美國國務卿奧爾布賴特已經確定呼應,其他一些西方國家也可能跟進。香港特區行政長官董建華日前在一場內部高層會議上,對此大表憤怒,直斥:「難道現在還是八國聯軍時代嗎?」此話一出,舉座動容。與會者相信,這顯示董建華對西方國家的做法極度不滿,在臨立會問上不甘示弱,以強硬姿態回應。

然而,所謂西方拉隊杯葛場面並沒發生。報道指,英方曾在歐盟與七國會議力邀其他成員國加入其行列,拒絕出席不民主議會宣誓儀式,但歐盟諸國看著相對親華的德法兩國行事,未敢輕舉妄動,澳洲、紐西蘭和日本就搶先表態會派高官出席,其後各國陸續加入。

左:SCMP(1997–6–13);右:SCMP(1997–6–14)

4. 兵分兩路迴轉外交,大事化小平穩過渡

到這刻,英美表態撐民主行動終變成獨腳戲,兩國隨即在修辭與實務上經營迴轉空間。克林頓總統顧問就說,奧卿缺席宣誓儀式用意不是「杯葛」,而是反映當局一貫立場,認為成立臨立會既無必要又不恰當。顧問又強調,對董建華新政府班子充滿信心,期待日後好好合作。

SCMP(1997–6–18)

實務安排上,英美都採取兵分兩路策略,既表態不滿臨立會,又保持與港方工作關係。英方在維持首相「退場」安排下,指派中英聯合聯絡小組首席代表戴維斯(Hugh Davies)與候任駐港領事鄺富劭(Francis Cornish)出席宣誓儀式;美方則由駐港總領事包潤石(Richard Boucher)出席。

SCMP(1997–6–26)
《亞洲週刊》(1997年6月30日)

《亞洲週刊》(1997年6月30日)82:

美國國務卿奧布賴特週前宣布配合英國抵制回歸日的臨時立法會就職儀式,但華盛頓日前已決定讓駐港總領事包潤石出席,英國也軟化立場,派出中英聯絡小組代表戴維斯和首任駐港總領事鄺富劭出席,顯示兩國對港政策也在擺盪。
[圖:AP Archive youtu.be/b-BklDENVIU ]

6月底奧爾布賴特抵港,被問及她與駐港總領事兵分兩路又會否削弱其撐民主信息,奧卿只重申美方要兼顧撐民主與維持合作關係兩個任務,與英首相到時用腳投票已經十分有力,美方一直重視香港戰略地位。

U.S. Department of State Archive:

Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Press Briefing, J.W. Marriott Hotel
Hong Kong, June 29, 1997...
QUESTION: Do you think that Martin Lee’s objections to the decision to have Mr. Boucher[包潤石] represent the United States at the second swearing-in have any validity?SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that we all have our priorities and the U.S. has two, basically. One, President Clinton really wanted me to come here and deliver a powerful political message by saying that we supported the way of life of Hong Kong and democracy, and the rule of law, and free markets, and by my not going to the swearing-in I believe that Mr. Blair and I are sending a powerful political message.But we also have another priority here and that is that it is essential for us to have to have a working relationship with the authorities of Hong Kong. It is not just the Legislative Council that is being sworn in but the civil service and other parts of the authority structure. There are 40,000 Americans who are in Hong Kong. There are, on average, sixty-five ship visits a year. There is a great deal of need to service the American community here. We determined that it was appropriate to have a working-level representation because the Consul General is going to have to work with the authorities here.QUESTION: You do not think that the power of your original message is at all diluted?SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I do not think so. I think that it will be very evident that I am not, along with Prime Minister Blair, not going to be at the swearing in...QUESTION: Was the original plan not to send any American delegation to the swearing-in ceremony or was the fact that Richard Boucher was going to go made at the same time that you decided you would not be present?SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: It was made at approximately the same time.QUESTION: Madam Secretary, in your remarks at the reception today you summarized the long list of U.S. interests in Hong Kong itself. Given those interests, where does Hong Kong stand on the list of these multi-facets in the relationship with China? Can you prioritize Hong Kong as against, let us say, human rights, missile sales, Taiwan, whatever?SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Hong Kong is very high on that list. Preservation of the way of life of Hong Kong is important to the United States because we believe democracy here is very important for its function. It is important because of the cooperation that has taken place in terms of law enforcement. It is important because of the fact that our ships visit, so it has strategic importance to us, and it is important for business reasons. Basically there are a variety of reasons that Hong Kong, per se, is important.

七一前夕,奧爾布賴特與特首董建華會面,「成功爭取」對方再次承諾港人有上街權利。董又重申香港不會做顛覆中國基地。至於民主訴求,一如其他場合講過,將延後到明年選舉實現。作為香港事務後續,奧卿又分別向董特首和李柱銘發出訪美邀請。

香港年報1997
SCMP(1997–7–1)

奧卿此行訪港除了觀禮,還趁機處理中國事務,包括與副總理錢其琛商討國家主席江澤民訪美及克林頓總統訪華事宜,又就輸港美國超級電腦疑被轉移到大陸作軍事用途一事,向中方表達不滿。

SCMP(1997–7–4)

主權移交當晚,國家主席江澤民與英國王儲查理斯王子率領各自代表進場。包括美國國務卿奧爾布賴特等國際嘉賓,見證中英國旗一升一降,江澤民宣佈香港特區成立。

解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
ATV 97本港大事回顧
ATV 97本港大事回顧
香港回歸慶典實錄(1997)
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)

其後英美高層先後退場,留下兩國領事在七一凌晨與眾嘉賓移師會展另一深具「中國大陸風格」展覽廳,見證特區政府就職與臨立會議員宣誓。

亞洲週刊(1997年7月7日)
ATV 97本港大事回顧
ATV 97本港大事回顧
香港回歸慶典實錄(1997)
香港回歸慶典實錄(1997)
TVB 1997年香港大事回顧
SCMP(1997–7–1)

就這樣,香港臨時立法會問題,一度因中國進逼,在主權移交時成為與英美角力導火線,令眾多先進國家被迫參與表態遊戲,最後大事化小回到平穩過渡主旋律。正如奧卿與中方英方所期盼,香港繼續扮演橋樑角色,幫西方入華,助中國入世。

尾聲:參與政策使然,盼港民主派勿激怒中方

那邊廂,一班被迫「落車」民選立法局議員,亦同樣在見證主權交接儀式後離場。他們在當局默許下順利回到原立法局大樓進行「民主回歸」集會,抗議中方以臨立會壓制民意,又揚言要透過選舉重返議會。

新近英解密檔案透露,1997年6月下旬,美國國家安全顧問與國務卿曾先後要求英方留意李柱銘等人會否在七一發起大型抗爭觸怒中方,盼能使其低調。顯示「參與政策」軌跡下,美國回應香港時亦頗顧忌影響對華關係。

《南華早報》資深政治記者張家偉就此再訪問當年人物李柱銘和張文光,二人異口同聲說,他們多年來和平示威從不過火,美方竟不了解。

TVB 1997年香港大事回顧
新聞掏寶 香港回歸時(2021年7月1日)
TVB 1997年香港大事回顧
TVB 1997年香港大事回顧
解密百年香港 回歸大典(2007年8月21日)
1997年7月1日TVB六點半新聞

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#世代懺悔錄 #香港前途考古 #香港戰略地位 #中美關係 #聯合聲明 #一國兩制 #主權移交 #李鵬 #江澤民 #克林頓 #改革開放 #經濟制裁 #李柱銘 #單仲偕 #MFN #港美關係 #WTO #PNTR #奧爾布賴特 #MadeleineAlbright #董建華 #八國聯軍 #錢其琛 #聶偉敬 #MalcolmRifkind #司徒華 #鄭家富 #貝理雅 #TonyBlair #馬卓安 #JohnMajor #馬振崗 #郭偉邦 #RobinCook #MaryStuartWorden #MinkyWorden #彭定康 #ChrisPatten #NihalJayawickrama #臨時立法會 #臨立會 #劉慧卿 #民主黨 #前綫 #戴維斯 #HughDavies #鄺富劭 #FrancisCornish #包潤石 #RichardBoucher #陳方安生 #查理斯王子 #范徐麗泰 #李卓人 #張文光

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