Ahn Kim Jeong Ae, Women Making Peace, South Korea

Carrying her baby brother on her back, a war weary Korean girl walks by a stalled M-26 tank, at Haengju, Korea, June, 1951. Via Getty Images

I. Introduction

In 1945, the Korean Peninsula was liberated by two superpowers: the United States of America (USA) and the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). However, the Peninsula is still divided into two Koreas and it is still at war.

Although there had been several independent movements against Japanese colonial rule, the ‘liberation’ of the Korean Peninsula was anything but ‘independent’: It was bestowed by the two super powers. The USA and the USSR divided the Korean Peninsula into two territories as World War II trophies. Each supported a different government established in 1948. In 1950, the Korean War, which was not only a ‘civil war ‘ but also an ‘international war,’ broke out. After the Korean War, in 1953, there was the emergence of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). There also followed a heavy concentration of armed forces by North and South Korea and the USA, the laying of around 1 million land mines, the erection of economic and psychological barriers, the emergence of symbols of division, justification of the presence of US forces in South Korea, and the asymmetrical alliance between South Korea and USA. According to the Armistice Agreement of 1953, the two Koreas are still at war.

The USA and the USSR began the Cold War, or the ideological war, at the end of World War II. They wanted to build up a bulwark against the enemy and demonize the other. Their foreign policy was based on alignment; pro-USA vs. pro-USSR. They set up an umbrella, under which were included most third world developing countries which had just been liberated from European imperial states like England, France, Germany, Italy etc. It can be argued that the foreign policy goals of the USA and the USSR were in the interests of the military-industrial complex, rather than of the people. Their strong rivalry resulted in an arms race, including the proliferation of nuclear weapons. They maintained the prevailing world order by using a ‘balance of terror’ instead of a ‘balance of peace,’ and by rationalizing the ensuing global security dilemma as “realism.”

The USA has 1,000 military bases and camps overseas in 59 countries, conducts military exercises in 170 countries, has 150,000 personnel, and the highest annual military expenditure in the world: of USD 597 billion. 48% of its total overseas stationing power is deployed in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan.[i]

Mutual distrust and the arms race between the two powers have divided the Korean Peninsula into two Koreas for the last 70 years. Leaders of both Koreas leaders (with the exception of three presidents, Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in in ROK) have used the division as a means to keep their autocratic and authoritarian powers. The North and South Korean Governments could be described as ‘twins of hostile co-existence.’

In the name of the alliance, the USA has wielded strong power over the ROK; its military policy towards Korea is one-sided and hegemonic. The alliance between ROK and USA can be characterized as an asymmetrical relationship under the ROK-USA Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Under these conditions of division and conflict, women are treated as second-class citizens and the living conditions and the status of the human rights of many women are miserable.[ii]

Since 2016 however, ROK has been experiencing the Candlelight Vigil civil revolution. Koreans seek to change their regime from an elite system to a grass-roots one; from top-down to bottom-up. They want to shift power from ‘the haves’ to ‘the have-nots,’ which include women, minorities and other groups. Koreans want to change the existing ‘Division Regime’ to a ‘Peace Regime.’ There is hope to reopen dialogue between the two Koreas, independent from USA military hegemony, by using a women’s paradigm based on life, peace and cooperation and ‘women’s security’ instead of a traditional security perspective.

Candlelight Vigil Civil Revolution at Gwanghamun square, picture by Donga Weekly.

Women, including this author, have been trying to develop a women’s agenda at the United Nations. The first UN World Conference on Women was held in Mexico City in 1975, and was followed by meetings in Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985) and culminating in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995). Especially important is the study of women and armed conflict because we are still in a suspended state of war.

In the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action[iii] of 1995, “the effects of armed or other kinds of conflict on women, including those living under foreign occupation” was the fifth of twelve Areas of Concern. Further reports on the condition of women in Korea were made in 2005 and 2015. The Platform for Action put forward several strategic objectives to address this area of concern.[iv] They are:

1) To increase the participation of women in conflict resolution at decision-making levels and protect women living in situations of armed and other conflicts or under foreign occupation;

2) To reduce excessive military expenditures and control the availability of armaments;

3) To promote non-violent forms of conflict resolution and reduce the incidence of human rights abuse in conflict situations;

4) To promote women’s contribution to fostering a culture of peace;

5) To provide protection, assistance and training to refugee women, other displaced women in need of international protection and internally displaced women; and

6) To provide assistance to the women of the colonies and non-self-governing territories.

In addition to this, South Korean women’s groups have been supporting UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325: Women, Peace and Security (passed in 2000), and pressured the South Korean government to make a National Action Plan (NAP), which was completed in in 2014.[v] South Korean women are now trying to implement the NAP through monitoring by specific indicators. In line with UNSCR1325, efforts are underway to redefine the concept of security from a military concept to one that is centered on citizens and on women.[vi]

2. The effects of the Korean War

Women and girls form the majority of victims of war. Here are some illustrations of the Korean War’s direct impact on women: scholars generally estimate that the war resulted in approximately 500,000 widows, 200,000–300,000 United States Forces Korea (USFK) “Comfort Women”, millions of women heading families split by war as well as over 100,000 orphans, brought as adoptees to the USA and other countries.[vii]

The stationing of nearly 30,000 USFK and the spread of militarism has made women’s security in the Korean Peninsula precarious. For example, in 1992, a young Korean woman named Yoon Geum-ee, who was working at a bar near a US military base, was violently murdered by US soldier Kenneth Markle. This sparked massive protests in South Korea against the unequal ROK-USA SOFA.[viii]

The first threat to the lives of women is the rampant spread of militarism in ROK. This has resulted in high rates of domestic or societal violence against women. Militarism is based on patriarchal ideology, and most women are excluded from the decision-making and policy-making process, especially in the fields of national security, foreign policy, and unification policy.

This militarism which stems from the patriarchy, is reinforced by:

1) The military heritage from Japanese imperial rule

Park Chung-hee, the second president of ROK and who conducted the first military Coup in Korean history, graduated from a Japanese military academy which followed a male-biased hierarchical system during Japanese colonial rule. Many other generals who graduated from Japanese military academies also took on high-level officer positions after liberation in 1945. They simply changed their allegiance from pro-Japan to pro-USA. From 1961 to 1992, Korea saw two military coups and three generals rise to the presidency. Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were the key men who controlled the massacre in Gwangju in 1980, both were found guilty and sentenced in the Korean court at the end of 1995.

2) The stationing of USFK

The stationing of USFK in ROK has made women’s security precarious. ROK-USFK joint military exercises take place twice a year. The exercises in March are called ‘Key Resolve’ and ‘Foal Eagle,’ and they are allegedly to help prepare against threats from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). However, the DPRK claims that these exercises are not only offensive, but also a threat to North Korea’s independence. For over 70 years, both sides (USA and ROK on one side, and DPRK on the other) have been extensively militarizing to deal with the threat posed by the other side. Instead of mutual defense, the Koreas have been investing in mutual self-destruction.

In addition to the rampant militarization of ROK, which is related to societal and domestic violence against women, women in ROK have been threatened by the presence of USFK. From 1945 until now, the US has maintained tens of thousands of troops in ROK. This is the longest stationing of foreign forces in the entire history of Korea. This has resulted in an asymmetrical alliance between South Korea and the USA, an unfair SOFA, 200,000–300,000 USFK Comfort Women, approximately 55,000 Amerasians who are often abandoned or stigmatized,[ix] and over 100,000 crimes committed by US military against civilians.[x] The United States stationed nuclear weapons in ROK until late 1991, during George Bush Senior’s presidency. It also stored Agent Orange and other lethal chemical weapons that have caused tremendous environmental damage[xi]. In 2015, the US Department of Defense reported a misdelivery of Anthrax to ROK. Yet this was not just a mistake,[xii] but part of the JUPITR Program,[xiii] the USA’s new biological warfare and biosurveillance strategy which began in 2013 and was tested several times in US bases in ROK.[xiv] There was no report regarding the delivery of Anthrax or related experiments made by the USA to the ROK government, a clear infringement of sovereignty.

Yongsan Garrison, the USFK Headquarters, is located in the heart of Seoul. Koreans call it “Yongsan, USA”. For 100 years, it has been the site of foreign military occupations, starting during the Japanese imperial period, and continuing to the United States military in the present day. Within the USFK is a ‘Plans and Operations Nuclear Division’ stationed in South Korea, yet the US usually does not even inform the ROK military of its nuclear-related information, as in the case of the JUPITR project.

From 2002 to 2017, even though the number of US troops stationed in ROK decreased from 37,500 to 28,500 as a number, the US continued to intensify and expand its camps and facilities in the country. In 2002, the US and ROK agreed to the Land Partnership Plan which reduced the number of bases, camps, and military installations from 104 to 47. This decision was made without the Korean people’s agreement, especially those living around the US military bases, and only out of consideration of the USFK’s strategic goals. The Korean people were against this plan, which included the massive forced displacement of elderly rice farmers from Pyeongtaek without their consent, in order for the US to gain more expansive and flat land to accommodate the expansion of the Camp Humphries US Army Base. This led to massive nonviolent protests from 2005 to 2006.

With regard to DPRK, generally speaking, USA military policy is hostile. The Trump administration is especially pessimistic. While taking this stance, at the same time for defense purposes he is showing another contradictory face, demanding the ROK pay more for the US Forces in Korea for the businessman-like motivation of earning more money, not for peace or security reasons. Trump’s unpredictable character and his “America first” and “no more free-rider” policies threaten many countries, especially in the military arena.

3. Women’s Security in the Korean Peninsula

The concept of women’s security is necessary for women to play a part in resolving the problems of militarism and the division of Korea. Why women’s security? The traditional concept of security is framed by men. Not only does it exclude women, it fails to consider the security of women and gender inequality. “Security” (in this context) encompasses notions of militarism, nationalism, patriarchy, realism and the military hegemony of the USA (including its Missile Defense System). In this sense, women are merely treated as victims of war and second-class citizens, and are marginalized.

The gendering of “security” is important. The 1994 Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP)[xv] examines the various needs for human security; extrapolating from this, the author finds that women’s security can be achieved through three avenues:[xvi]

1. Freedom from military violence
2. Freedom from poverty
3. Freedom from violence against women

Freedom from military violence includes freedom from militarism, militaristic culture, USFK crimes against women, etc. One way to reduce militaristic and war-like cultural traits is to move from an Armistice Agreement to a Peace Treaty — as the United States, as head of the UN Command, DPRK and China promised to do 64 years ago.

The objective “freedom from poverty” recognizes the feminization of poverty caused by globalization, neo-liberalism and capitalism and, without a doubt, by massive investments in military spending, which have reduced the welfare budget assisting the most vulnerable; women, children and the elderly. Contrary to the implications of US President Trump’s message that there will be “no more free riders in East Asia”, ROK has been increasing its contribution to the growing concentration of USFK stationed here. In 2017, the ROK’s military spending is one tenth of its total national budget (USD 34.9 billion,[xvii] In 2017, investment in the military amounted to 57 times the sum allocated to the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. The Special Measures Agreement for the USFK, a cost-sharing agreement between ROK and the USA, cost the ROK USD 808 million in 2015[xviii]. From 1991 to 2015, the costs associated with stationing the USFK grew almost nine times. Contrary to Mr. Trump’s assertion, ROK is not a free-riding country but rather, one that bears a heavy burden.

The freedom from violence against women refers in particular to freedom from domestic and societal abuse by South Korean men and by USFK. In 2016, a woman was killed by a man who has hatred against women. Some women think that such crimes stem from the militaristic culture, which many men learn through their education and from military experience. These men learn to think it is natural for men to control and abuse women.

4. Women’s efforts for Korean Reunification

1991 and 1992, North and South Korean Women’s Crossing at Panmunjeom, Women’s News (photo archive)
2016 Women Peace Walk at Imjingak, pictured by WPW

1) Calling for a stop to the war in the Korean Peninsula: Peace Walk

Women in Korea want an end to the war and peaceful reunification. They call for a stop to the deployment by the USA of strategic military assets like the anti-missile defense system THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) in ROK and the annual ROK-USA joint military exercises. They also want DPRK to cease their testing of nuclear weapons and missiles, and are calling for the conclusion of a Peace Treaty between the DPRK and the USA.

In support of efforts for reunification, women from both ROK and DPRK crossed the DMZ twice, in 1991 and-1992[xix]; a group of international peace women, “Women Cross DMZ,”[xx] also crossed it in 2015. In 2016 and 2017 South Korean women conducted peace walks with the slogan “Life, Peace and Co-existence” as well as “No more War in Korean Peninsula”. They have also participated in “Save Jeju Now,” an annual walk against the recently constructed military base in Gangjeong Village, Jeju Island.

From 2008 through 2012, the “Northeast Asian Women’s Peace Conference” was held. With the theme “Women’s Initiative for Creating a Korean Peace Regime” the conference served as a women-led alternative to the male-dominated Six Party Talks with the aim of resolving the North Korean Nuclear issue.

From 2016 to date, women’s organizations, including overseas women peace activists, have acted against THAAD deployment in ROK. THAAD is part of the US Missile Defense System targeted at China, not DPRK. It is connected to missile defense systems deployed in Japan by the USA. The USA wants a triple USA-Japan-ROK alliance in Northeast Asia. This has resulted in escalation of the arms race between, China, Japan, DPRK and ROK.

2) The mainstreaming of women in security and peace policy-making processes

The index of gender equality ranks ROK the 117th lowest in the world.[xxi] In 2016, the percentage of women in Congress was 17%, or 51 out of 300 congresspersons[xxii]. Most women are excluded from the decision-making and policy-making process, especially in the fields of national security, foreign and unification policy. Since the foundation of ROK in 1948, there were no female ministers for National Defense, Foreign Affairs or Unification, until the appointment of a female Minister of Foreign Affairs this year. Women are also very rare amongst senior officials in these ministries. According to a survey conducted by Jung Gyunglan of Women Making Peace, none of 22 senior officials in the Ministry of National Defense are women; none of 22 in Foreign Affairs; three of 251 in the Ministry of Unification; and one of 21 in the National Intelligence Service, other organizations did not respond. According to statistics regarding women’s participation in government committees in 2012, 12.4% of members of government committees on National Defense were women, 30.0% in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and 18.0% for the Ministry of Unification.[xxiii].

Even after the adoption of UNSCR 1325 in 2000, the level of women’s participation in peace negotiation processes has been low. In the first Inter-Korean Summit of 2000, no women were present out of 94 delegates, In following summits, in 2005 there were five women of 118 delegates, in the 2007 Inter-Korean Summit six of 209, and in the intergovernmental meeting of 2010, two women of 20 delegates.[xxiv] The ROK government announced its National Action Plan for UNSCR1325 in 2014. However, there are no tangible outcomes as yet.Women’s groups demand a 50% quota for women’s representation, the legal enshrinement of the equality of women and men’s human rights in the Constitution, gender balance in the cabinet as well as a 30% proportion of women committee members in governmental commissions[xxv]. Fortunately, the new president Moon Jae-in has promised a ratio of 30% of women in cabinet, and has recently appointed a woman for the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kang Kyung-wha.

3) 122 USFK “Comfort Women” Lawsuit against the South Korean government

In 2014, 122 women plaintiffs filed a lawsuit against the ROK Government regarding its responsibility for creating and controlling US military “comfort villages” and “comfort women.”[xxvi] The first trial ended in January 2017 with a partial win for the plaintiffs. The ruling was that the ROK government has to pay USD 50,000 per person to each of the 57 plaintiffs because of its responsibility for illegal arrests and detention[xxvii]. The long-term objective of this trial is to sue the US government for criminal liability. In addition, a new law is currently being made in the Korean Parliament. Titled “Truth Commission for Investigating State Violence against USFK ‘Comfort Women,’ it was proposed on July 14 and is currently being reviewed by the Parliament’s Gender Equality Standing Committee. This law aims to investigate the ROK government’s breaches of laws, and compensate the victims.

4) Calling for a Reduction of the Defense Budget and an Increase in the Budget for Women’s Welfare

The main reason for the feminization of poverty in Korea is military spending. According to statistics by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), military spending of the ROK in 2016 was 37.265 USD.[xxviii] According to this SIPRI data, ROK is ranked 10th in the world for military spending as well as arms imports. It has the lowest spending on welfare and social security in the OECD. The USA is imposing the purchase of US-made weapons on the ROK. This has resulted in internal corruption in arms dealing, including currently serving generals.[xxix] The women’s movement is actively involved in campaigns to reduce military spending and instead invest in social needs, under the international slogan demanding “Welfare, not Warfare”.

5) Dialogue and Cooperation between North and South Korean Women

Dec. 23, 2015, picture by Women Making Peace

Under the last two conservative governments of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, all dialogue and cooperation between the two Koreas ceased. Women activists tried, nevertheless, to meet annually, even in China. In December 2015, the North and South Korean Women’s Meeting for Korean Peace and Unification was held in the DPRK city of Kaesong.

Fortunately, the new Moon Jae-in government, elected in May 2017 after the Candlelight Vigil civil revolution, supports civilian dialogue between the two Koreas. On the path to peace on the Korean Peninsula, and as part of a sustainable development strategy, there is a movement to create an “Inter-Korean Peace Eco-Village” in the DMZ. As mentioned above, there were some crossings of the DMZ in 1991, 1992 and 2015. However, it hasn’t been possible to live together in the DMZ itself. For a more sincere reunification and in line with the call in UNSCR1325,[xxx] for women’s full participation in peacebuilding, the opportunity for women from both Koreas to live together in same area could provide significant benefits. It would be beneficial to women’s economic independence, self-sufficiency, food security and environmental sustainability through organic farming; one motivation being the preservation of land as GMO- and chemical fertilizer-free for future generations. Before farming, the women of both Koreas could organize something like a Kimchi Festival, as was suggested by the DPRK Delegation to a meeting convened by the international group Women Cross DMZ in Bali in February 2016[xxxi]. In order to foster a culture of peace as recommended in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, there are further plans to set up a peace center conducting activities which include but are not limited to meditation, dancing, conflict resolution training and yoga.


For the reunification of Korea, and in order to stop the ongoing Korean War, dialogue and cooperation is very important. After experiencing the Candlelight Vigil civil revolution’ Korean women need no longer consider themselves second-class citizens and victims, but rather peacebuilders and negotiators. Women will have to try to penetrate the security decision-making process, based upon a redefinition of the concept of security from “military” to “citizen-oriented” and “women-focused”. We hope to reopen dialogue between the two Koreas without interference by the USA, by using the women’s paradigm of “life, peace and cooperation,” as well as women’s security instead of the traditional security approach. Women will also work towards establishing a “Peace Regime” in place of the current “Division Regime” in Korea. Finally, women want a peace treaty to replace the armistice agreement of 1953.

The desire of women is clear: no THAAD, no nukes and no war in the Korean Peninsula, in Northeast Asia and in the world; and, in the long run, the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

[i] Wikipedia, “Migun” 미군[United States Armed Forces]”, accessed August 21, 2017, “https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/미군.

[ii] Enloe, Cynthia, Banana, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Uni. of California Press, 2014).

[iii] The Beijing Declaration and platform for action was the outcome of the Fourth World Conference on Women organised by the United Nations in Beijing, China from 4 to 15 September 1995. For more information, visit: www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/pdf/BDPfA%20E.pdf.

[iv] Gah, Shirkat, Women’s Resource Centre, Women’s Agenda in the UN: To Beijing and Beyond (Lahore-Pakistan, March 2004), p66.

[v] Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, “National Action Plan: S. Korea”, accessed August 21, 2017, http://peacewomen.org/nap-republicofkorea.

[vi] For further information on ROK NAP and civil society actions in relation: http://peacewomen.org/nap-republicofkorea.

[vii] Park, Jung-tae 박정태, “jeonjaeng-gwa yeoseong, geu janhogsa” 전쟁과 여성, 그 잔혹사 [War and Women], Redian, April 24, 2013, http://www.redian.org/archive/53967.

[viii] Wikipedia, “Yun Geum-i murder case”, accessed August 21, 2017, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-American_sentiment_in_Korea#Yun_Geum-i_murder_case.

[ix] “Women and the U.S. Military in East Asia”, Foreign Policy in Focus, March 1, 1999, http://fpif.org/women_and_the_us_military_in_east_asia/.

[x] Figures from the National Campaign for Eradication of Crimes by US Troops in Korea, www.usacrime.or.kr.

[xi] “Agent Orange”, Wikipedia, accessed August 21, 2017, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agent_Orange#Korea; and,
Kirk, Gwyn and Ahn, Christine, “Agent Orange in Korea”, Foreign Policy in Focus, July 7, 2011, http://fpif.org/agent_orange_in_korea/.

[xii] “Juhan migun ‘tanjeogyun baedalsago’, geu dwi eotteohge dwaessnyagoyo?” 주한미군 ‘탄저균 배달사고’, 그 뒤 어떻게 됐냐고요? [What Happened After the US Forces Anthrax Delivery Incident in Korea], Hankyoreh 한겨레, June 7, 2015, www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/defense/694621.html.

[xiii] “JUPITR program takes shape on Korean Peninsula”, ECBC Communications, March 12, 2014, https://www.army.mil//article/121633.

[xiv] “Korea, U.S. form panel to investigate anthrax delivery”, Korean Herald, July 12, 2015, http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20150712000278.

[xv] United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 1994, Oxford University Press, 1994, http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/reports/255/hdr_1994_en_complete_nostats.pdf.

[xvi] Ahn Kim Jeong-ae, “Globalization and Women Security: In the case of South Korea,” as co-author in [Globalization and Women Security, Hanwool Printing, Seoul, 2005].

[xvii] Kim Dae-gyu 김태규, “2017nyeon Gugbang-yesan 40jo3,347eog…Jeonnyeon bi 1,500 yeoeog jeung-ga” 2017년 국방예산 40조3,347억…전년 比 1,500여억 증가 [2017 Defense Budget of 40.3347 trillion won … 1,500 billion won increase from the previous year], Newsis 뉴시스, December 5, 2016, http://news.joins.com/article/20963278.

[xviii] Park, Byung-soo 박병수, “Migun Judun Hangukman Wihaeseo?…Biyong-eun “Hanguk imi 70% budam”” 미군 주둔 한국만 위해서?…비용은 “한국 이미 70% 부담 [Only for US forces in Korea? Cost is “70% burden already on Korea”], Hankyoreh 한겨레, May 6, 2016, http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/defense/742784.html#csidx47128395f060ec093f431e1fd2d412d.

[xix] Park, Kil-ja 박길자, “Hanbando-e Pyeonghwa ui Heoseutoli sseuda” 한반도에 평화의 허스토리 쓰다, [Writing a Herstory of Peace on the Korean Peninsula], The Women’s News 여성신문, May 27, 2015, http://m.womennews.co.kr/news_detail.asp?num=83781#.WZjvcihZPY.

[xx] Women Cross DMZ: https://www.womencrossdmz.org.

[xxi] The Global Gender Gap Report 2016 by World Economic Forum. www3.weforum.org/docs.GGGR16/WEF-Global-Gender-Gap-Report-2016.pdf

[xxii] Kim, Pil Kyu 김필규, “Hanguk Namnyeo pyeongdeung jisu 117wi…Jeongmal Choehawigug?” 한국 남녀평등 지수 117위…정말 최하위국? [Korean Gender Equality Index 117th … Is it really the bottom rank?], JTBC, October 29, 2014, http://news.jtbc.joins.com/article/article.aspx?news_id=NB10622031.

[xxiii] Jung, Gyunglan, UNSCR1325 and Women Peace Leadership, Women Making Peace, Seoul, 2013, pp.113–115.

[xxiv] Jung, Gyunglan (2013), ibid., p.116.

[xxv] Korean Women’s Association United, Statement: “100 Points of Joint Demand Regarding Policy on Women in the 19th Presidency”, 2017.

[xxvi] Kwaak, Jeyup, S., Claims South Korea Provided Sex Slaves for U.S. Troops Go to Court, July 15, 2014, https://blogs.wsj.com/korearealtime/2014/07/15/claims-south-korea-provided-sex-slaves-for-u-s-troops-go-to-court/.

[xxvii] Hyeon, So-Eun, “Beob-won “Migun Gijichon ‘Wianbu’e guggaga baesanghaeya” 법원“미군 기지촌‘위안부’에국가가 배상해야 [The state should compensate the “camptown” “comfort women”] Hankyoreh한겨레, January 20, 2017, http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society-general/779648.html;
Park, Ju-min, “Former Korean ‘comfort women’ for U.S. troops sue own government”, Reuters, July 11, 2014, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-southkorea-usa-military-idUSKBN0FG0VV20140711.

[xxviii] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Military Expenditure Database, https://www.sipri.org/databases/milex, accessed August 21, 2017.

[xxix] “bangsan bili, Park Geun-hye Choi Sun sil geite uui ‘kkeutpan-wang’?” 방산 비리, 박근혜-최순실 게이트의 ‘끝판왕’? [Defense corruption, Park Geun-hye and Choi Sun sil Gate, “End of the King?”, Hankyoreh 한겨레, November 11, 2016, http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/defense/769945.html.

[xxx] U.N. Security Council, Resolution 1325 (2000) Adopted by the Security Council at its 4213th meeting, on 31 October 2000. S/RES/1325 (2000). Official Record. New York, 2000. https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

[xxxi] Women Cross DMZ, “2016 International Women’s Korea Peace Convenings February 7–14, 2016, Bali, Indonesia,” https://www.womencrossdmz.org/web/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Bali_Final_Web-Version.pdf, accessed August 21, 2017.

Reflections on Peace and Security in Northeast Asia -Perspectives from the Ulaanbaatar Process-

CHAPTER 1: Northeast Asian Security and a Vision for a Nuclear Weapon-free Zone, CHAPTER 2: Korean Peninsula Security Issues and their impact on Regional Stability, CHAPTER 3: Civil Society Dialogue and Multi-Track Diplomacy in Peacebuilding in Northeast Asia

GPPAC Northeast Asia

Written by

Northeast Asia regional network of the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC), a global civil society-led network for peacebuilding.

Reflections on Peace and Security in Northeast Asia -Perspectives from the Ulaanbaatar Process-

CHAPTER 1: Northeast Asian Security and a Vision for a Nuclear Weapon-free Zone, CHAPTER 2: Korean Peninsula Security Issues and their impact on Regional Stability, CHAPTER 3: Civil Society Dialogue and Multi-Track Diplomacy in Peacebuilding in Northeast Asia

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