These Walls Can Talk:
Race and Economics in Bronzeville as Told by a Community Chalkboard
It has been said, “you can’t escape the past,” but for the citizens of Bronzeville this is indeed a good thing. Located on Chicago’s south side, Bronzeville has a history as rich as any neighborhood in the country. Known as the “Black Metropolis” in its heyday, Bronzeville was the center of African American cultural and political life from 1920–1950, producing enough ideas and talent to be rivaled only by the Harlem Renaissance. Bronzeville was called home by Louis Armstrong, Ida B. Wells, Muddy Waters, and a host of major African American icons.
Perhaps no structure represents Bronzeville’s love affair with its past like the historic Forum. When I visited Bronzeville on a sunny but cold February afternoon, it was this structure that spoke louder than any other. Located on the corner of 43rd and Calumet, The Forum was an unrivaled political and cultural hub, hosting meetings for the National Negro Council and the American Communist Party on weekdays and performances by famous jazz musicians on the weekends. Today, the historic Forum stands vacant and decrepit but, consistent with the continued dedication to urban renewal in Bronzeville, developers are trying to save this historic landmark.
As part of the project, a giant chalkboard has been placed on the forum wall, with only the words “I wish 43rd Street was.” While the board holds a small fraction of graffiti and nonsensical answers, the majority of community responses are genuine. The answers on this board provide unique insight and serves as a useful guide for exploring life in modern day Bronzeville and its implications for African American life as a whole.
Better Today Than “Yesterday”: The Impact of Bronzeville’s Past
Four miles south of Chicago’s looming skyscrapers sits a neighborhood with a past so pervasive that it infiltrates every aspect of life today. Bronzeville is Chicago’s historically African American neighborhood located between 22nd and 51st street and Cottage Grove Avenue and the Dan Ryan Expressway on its East and West. In 1920, Chicago was home to 109,894 blacks, less than 3% of the population (Travis 2005). However, thanks to the economic and social advantages of the North that led to the Great Migration, Chicago’s insignificant Black community boomed into a vibrant and thriving community in their own “Black Metropolis.”
By the 1930's, Bronzeville had transformed from the impoverished, sparsely populated black ghetto to a booming, self-sustaining community. South State Street was affectionately called “The Black Wall Street of America” for all of its commerce (Lucas, 1997). As a result of de facto segregation and Bronzeville’s great pride, Bronzeville became virtually economically independent. One citizen reported that it was never “necessary to leave the community…we had everything we needed right here” (Boyd, 2000) and another added that “the money was made in the community and stayed in the community” (Davis, 1996, p.12). In it’s heyday Bronzeville was a city within a city, and a community with enough economic might to remain independent of any outsiders.
Perhaps even more important than its economic prowess was Bronzeville’s cultural advancements. Bronzeville was home to so many jazz and blues pioneers that its numerous famous venues sold out regularly. Duke Ellington, Milt Hinton, Nat King Cole, Muddy Waters, and Louis Armstrong all called Bronzeville home. In addition, journalist and activist Ida B. Wells made her home in Bronzeville as did famous author Gwendolyn Brooks.
The history of Bronzeville pervades not only the communities street corners, but its collective identity as well. I asked citizens of Bronzeville to “briefly define Bronzeville as if you are describing it to someone who has never heard of it” and every single response began with history. From seventy year old Bronzeville natives who remember the sounds of Grand Street first hand to young professionals who moved to Bronzeville this decade, history is the first word on everyone’s mind. While the true history of Bronzeville is a very real, authentic, and powerful thing, today’s citizens’ perception of the past, that is their collective representation of it, is even more powerful. In his Collective Representation thesis, French sociologist Émile Durkheim proposed that humans have a “shared social component” that allows for participation in “a collective consciousness” (Griswold, 2013). In Bronzeville, the citizenry’s love affair with history is indeed a collective representation, which is not to say their view of history contains any inaccuracies or dramatizations, but rather that this history represents the sentiments of the community through a more selective narrative. People choose to remember how self sustained Bronzeville historically was but choose to forget that they were unwelcome in many other areas of the city. People choose to remember the economic power of Bronzeville in its heyday but choose to forget how Bronzeville had the highest concentration of public housing in the country by the late 1970's (Boyd, 2000). The history of Bronzeville is more than just stories about Louis Armstrong practicing down the street or about businessmen crowding “Black Wall Street,” but this optimistic collective representation has powerful implications. The history of Bronzeville represents everything that the neighborhood could and should be. “Historic Bronzeville is more than an example upon which to model a vision of the neighborhood’s future…[history] tells the story of how the neighborhood should be developed, and who should be included in that process” (Boyd, 2000). In Bronzeville, history is not merely a useful narrative in gaining perspective, but a vital tool for evaluating and defining the communities present and future situation.
“Economically Strong”: Impact of Gentrification on Bronzeville
Gentrification is a tough subject around the nation, but nowhere is it more controversial than Chicago. Home to many ethnic neighborhoods, Chicagoans are very weary of neighborhoods losing their authenticity, yet simultaneously every neighborhood craves economic stability.
In Bronzeville, the question of economic stability, like most topics, returns to the neighborhood’s rich history. One citizen reported that “the beauty of Bronzeville in its heyday was that it was home to all people from different economic backgrounds who worked together and played together” (Lawrence 1997). Citizens delight in the possibility of Bronzeville returning to being socioeconomically diverse, and through many community efforts, it has. Middle and upper class families, both white and black, have moved to Bronzeville, buying and renovating the beautiful grey stones that line Martin Luther King Boulevard and pumping money into the community. From 1990–2011 the median household income tripled in Bronzeville and the percentage of households with income over $75,000 spiked from 2 to 10 percent (Census data & Hyra 2008). Bronzeville has slowly, and perhaps only partially, returned to the economic diversity of its peak, with working class and upper class individuals living side by side.
However, gentrification is never solely positive and economic change comes with a big cost, namely skyrocketing home values. Median home values in Bronzeville increased from $25,900 in 1980 to $208,449 in 2000. As is always true with gentrification when “redevelopment occurs, many of those with strong community roots are forced to relocate in response to mounting market pressures and government action” (Hyra 2008). As gentrification continues, two groups are pitted against each other, “one group is trying to buy up all the pretty houses. They want to restore the area…But the people on State Street are saying where are we going to go after demolition?” (Boyd). This is unfortunately the harsh reality of the situation, as some groups move in, other groups must move out. However, on a large scale, citizens accept the higher home values. As one citizen told me, “people have the right to buy and pay for whatever they want. If someone wants to spend their money here and has more money for rent then I do then so be it. That’s just how the world works.” While being forced out of a home or neighborhood can often be economically and emotionally difficult, the citizens of Bronzeville have, by and large, accepted that economic stability comes with rising housing costs. Although this aspect of gentrification has been handled relatively well, the more difficult aspect of gentrification to talk about, the question of race, has many intricacies and levels of complexity in Bronzeville.
“Black Owned”: Gentrification and Racial Identity
Racial tension accompanies any level of gentrification and Bronzeville is no exception. Bronzeville has been predominantly black for the entirety of its history and many feel like it truly belongs to the African American community. There is a general sentiment that “we moved here, we sunk our dollars here, we worked to try to make it great, we don’t wanna get pushed out” (Boyd 2000). For many, gentrification by whites is unacceptable, not because of any deep racial resentment, but because they believe blacks have a historical claim to the neighborhood. Overall, this sentiment has had real affects, as Bronzeville’s white population has grown only 1.5% over the last 10 years (Hyra 2008). Racial tension between two groups is an issue that accompanies gentrification like in any other gentrifying neighborhood, but in Bronzeville the problem is much more intricate and nuanced.
As portrayed by Mary Pattillo’s (2007) book, Black On The Block: The Politics of Race and Class in the City, modern gentrification tension is largely intra-racial. After fleeing the violence of the inner cities in the 1980's and 1990's, upper middle class blacks are returning to their “cultural roots” in neighborhoods like Bronzeville. This movement is extremely delicate and nuanced, and requires analysis of both the motives of the upper class and the reception from the lower class.
Simply put, many blacks are returning to urban neighborhoods because they feel a certain indebtedness to their history and believe they can somehow revitalize the race. “They come, or come back…out of a sense of racial pride and duty, to be conduits of resources, to model ‘respectability’” (Pattillo 2007). Wealthy, educated blacks return to the community to “partake in racial uplift” and they believe they can truly make a difference (Hyra 2008). There are mountains of data to support this idea. In a study by Michael Dawson, he concludes that blacks with higher incomes are significantly more likely to attend meetings on community issues, listen to black radio, and participate in community projects than lower income blacks (Pattillo 2007). A separate study by Juan Battle and Earl Wright concluded that “college educated blacks were more likely to participate in political and local community activism” (Pattillo 2007).
While it is empirically true that middle class blacks are helping the communities they serve, middle and upper class blacks continue to feel a great deal of guilt that they are not doing enough because the obstacles before them seem insurmountable. “Middle-class blacks cannot on their own ameliorate the disparities in access to health care and in health outcomes, or inadequate housing. Their inevitable failure leads to guilt both internalized and projected onto the category of middle-class blacks” (Pattillo 2007). This guilt is an effect of middle class work but also a cause, as the feeling of guilt causes further work to be done for the community.
While the work and motivations of upper and middle class blacks is important, it is only half of the equation as lower class perception of these “home-comers” is equally important. “The line between revitalization and gentrification is a thin one” and even neighborhood natives can be seen as outsiders (Pattillo 2007: 8). The harsh truth is that the black bourgeoisie, even the portion that was raised in urban, working class neighborhoods, are viewed as outsiders. Over time, “the black bourgeoisie has adopted mannerisms that differentiated them from the black poor” (Pattillo 2007:82). Middle and upper class blacks may have different tastes in music, fashion, pop culture, and even a different dialect. For many being part of the black bourgeoisie is as much about a different “state of mind” then it is about money in a bank account (Pattillo 2007:83). Intra-racial resentment is not due to jealousy over money, but a feeling of distance and separation between the groups. The working class feels resentment that these outsiders abandoned the neighborhood when they were needed the most or feel irritated that the upper class only wants to impose their will and change them. This situation is delicate and difficult for each group. While racial authenticity is a paramount concern, this conflict reminds us that gentrification of all kinds can be extremely difficult for all involved.
These Walls Can Talk Too: A Neighborhood Art Gallery as a Microcosm of Bronzeville’s Change
As the late afternoon cloud cover turned an already brisk day chilly, I ended my afternoon in Bronzeville at The Gallery Guichard, the perfect culmination of my research. Owned and operated by couple Andre and Francis Guichard, Gallery Guichard is celebrating its tenth year as a gallery in the heart of Bronzeville specializing in African and African American art. Upon my visit, the Gallery epitomized the themes I had developed of the importance of history, the impact of economic change, and the importance of black ownership.
While the gallery has first and foremost reinvigorated the art scene in the area with unique work and housing for young artists, it has also brought money to the area. Art is not cheap, and art dealing can be a very lucrative business that brings economic stability. When asked if she had seen an impact on the immediate community after moving to their present location, gallery co-owner Francis Guichard responded “I have absolutely seen change since we moved here. I think overall it has been very positive.” Neighborhood change is often vague and hard to identify, but like many abstract concepts, images articulate this change clearly.
Gallery Guichard shows the impact of improved economics and gentrification. As the gallery moved to 47th street, the money and energy it created changed not only the building itself, but the immediate neighborhood surroundings as well. This is one small example of how one institution can have a profound impact on its surroundings.
In addition, Gallery Guichard shows the intricate relationship between upper class and lower class blacks. Mrs. Guichard and I discussed the gallery’s interactions with the community and she said they were overwhelmingly positive. “We have a lot of events for the general community. We host a lot of community members who we know can not buy the art themselves, but we appreciate sharing it with them.” Mrs. Guichard, like hundreds of others in the community, is doing what she can to help honor her neighborhood and partake in racial uplift. She sees citizens peer through the window and smile as they soak in the eclectic and powerful art and hopes she can share the art with the community. Furthermore, she commented that race was indeed a factor in the gallery’s perception, saying “it may have been a different story if we were not African American.” While some may still see the Guichards as outsiders, their gentrification of the area is much more palatable as maintaining racial authenticity is of paramount importance.
Finally, just as any discussion about Bronzeville must begin, we end with history. From ships carrying countless slaves in the background to protestors in the foreground and everything in-between, Johnson’s “Representation of a Nation” shows the importance of history. The history of African Americans, from slavery to civil rights and beyond, is vital in understanding any modern day conflicts. Just as the memories of Bronzeville’s heyday are part of the collective identity of blacks in southern Chicago, the pains of centuries are part of the collective identity of blacks across the nation.
Discussion
“Understand Chicago’s Black Belt and you will understand the Black Belts of a dozen large American cities”(St. Clair 1993). St. Clair Drake wrote those words seventy years ago, yet they remain true today. Bronzeville is one of the most dynamic and important African American enclaves in America. These observations and findings are indeed about Bronzeville, but they could easily be applied to the lives of blacks in urban centers across the country. However, we must be weary to not apply all findings too liberally. As Bronzeville has demonstrated, history is of paramount importance and any exploration of neighborhood problems should begin with appropriate historical interpretation. As the middle class returns to the urban centers from the suburbs, history, economics, and race, must all be assessed as the trend continues across the country.
Works Cited
Boyd, Michelle. “Reconstructing Bronzeville: Racial Nostalgia and Neighborhood Redevelopment.” Journal of Urban Affairs 22 (2000): 107–22. Web.
Davis, S. Bronzeville’s Golden Past Relies on City for Rebirth. Chicago Tribune. May 29 1996
Griswold, Wendy. Cultures and Societies In a Changing World. Fourth ed. N.p.: Sage, 2013. Print.
Hyra, Derek S. The New Urban Renewal: The Economic Transformation of Harlem and Bronzeville. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2008. Print.
Lawrence, C. Project Builds Hope. Chicago Sun-Times. 9 November 1997
Lucas, H. Historic Summary of Black Metropolis, Bronzeville and its Significance. South Street Journal (Chicago), 28 Februrary 1997
Pattillo, Mary. Black on the Block. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2007. Print.
St. Clair, Drake. Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City. Chicago: U of Chicago. 1993. Print.
Travis, Dempsey J. “Bronzeville.” Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago Historical Society, 2005. Web. 14 Mar. 2015.
