730DC’s 2020 Election Guide
It’s that time again. And it’s really past time for us to publish this guide, given the circumstances: Unprecedented numbers of Washingtonians are voting by mail, and many of you have cast your ballots already. For those of you who procrastinate like me, we hope this guide will help you out.
Three notes before we dive in:
- This is not a guide on how to access the ballot. For that, use the DC Board of Elections, where you can check your voter status; the Post, who advise on how to vote early; DCist, where you can find ballot drop boxes; and our newsletter, where we will provide ongoing updates on voting access.
- There aren’t that many different votes, but we couldn’t cover them all here. That doesn’t mean they don’t matter. The at-large race and Initiative 81 concern all city voters, and we’ve included a writeup on the Ward 2 race as well. In other instances, barring a freak surprise, the election was stitched up with the primary this spring. Finally, there are a number of elections that we simply couldn’t cover: State Board of Election is very important, and we simply weren’t able to get to it. At the end of the story we’ve provided links for reference so that you can do your own research.
- This guide is meant to help you make your own decision. We obviously have our own preferences, and you will understand who they generally are, but we describe the contours of each race less to endorse a specific candidate than to empower you to make your own choices. This guide is not written by just me — it represents inputs from a number of our writers, rather than a unified voice. I would be surprised if any of us cast identical ballots, and I hope that adds to the richness of this guide.
Let’s get to it. This first section concerns everyone who lives in DC.
At-Large
Every voter has a chance to influence the makeup of the Council this cycle, even if there’s only one competitive Ward seat up. And it seems like there’s more attention than ever on the State Board of Education. There’s even a voter referendum on psychoactive mushrooms, for crying out loud!
However, if you’ve been checking your mail or looking at lawn signs or are directly plugged in to the goop of Twitter discourse, it’s obvious the At-Large election has sucked up most of the air. Indeed, it seems like all that excess energy that would have gone into other races is being diverted towards the at-large race, making it a bit hard to tell whether the heat between certain candidates is really warranted or a byproduct of a tense, difficult year and nowhere else to take out the frustration.
First, a quick download on what the at-large seat is.
What’s This At-Large Seat, and Who Can Run?
There are 8 wards in DC, and each gets a Council seat. But there are 5 additional “at-large” seats elected by the whole city, including the Chairperson. Two of these are up for election — but there’s a twist.
When Republicans granted the city’s governing charter, they thought they could snag representation even in our deep-blue District with a provision that at least two of these at-large seats must be held by a member of a minority party. That worked sometimes; Carol Schwartz held one of these seats as a Republican throughout the aughts. Recently the more common result is an independent, a category that has included both ex-Republicans like David Catania and the retiring David Grosso, who at times acted like the most progressive member of the Council. (More on that later.)
We said two of these seats are open for election, but really, it’s this independent seat that more than a dozen candidates are jockeying for. Councilmember Robert White won the Democratic primary this spring and, while we’re not sure if this is apocryphal, it seems so impossible that a Democratic incumbent could lose here that we’re not even going to look up if it’s happened. (Editor’s note: We found/made a meme for that.)
Incumbency has its merits and demerits as a political phenomenon, but we don’t need to get wrapped up in that debate because: Robert White is good! He has been a solid presence in his first term and would seem to deserve another. So let’s keep moving.
This Part Is Lots of Background, and You Can Skip to Candidates If You Want
Because White is almost certain to win, the rest of the at-large candidates are effectively campaigning against one another for this one spot. (And all of the citywide organizations are putting their attention on this one race, rather than distributing it across several.) These candidates include more than a dozen names, but the frontrunners seem to be:
- Ed Lazere, the longtime head of DC Fiscal Policy Institute, a local think tank focusing on poverty, inequality and social services (lost 37–63 to Mendelson in 2018 Chair Democratic primary)
- Christina Henderson, who has spent her career working for legislators including David Grosso, Kay Hagan, and (currently on leave from) Chuck Schumer (first election)
- Vincent Orange, a former Councilmember who resigned in 2016 after foolishly thinking he could get away with serving as an elected representative and as head of the DC Chamber of Commerce (Ward 5 Councilmember 1999–2007, at-large 2011–2016)
- Marcus Goodwin, a Millennial with experience in the private sector and real estate (received 23% of vote in 2018 at-large Democratic primary vs. Anita Bonds), who may or may not be seen as a less-scandal-tainted Vincent Orange to those who balk at Lazere or Henderson’s policy preferences.
Even among these top candidates, the at-large race lays bare a number of political and ideological divisions roiling under the city’s surface for a few years.
The most obvious is the split, particularly on economic issues, between progressives and moderates. More left-aligned council members have been short of a majority, but that balance of power may be shifting. Compared to long-established forces like (former Mayor, former Chairman, current Ward 7 member) Vincent Gray or (former DC Democratic Party powerhouse, current At-Large member) Anita Bonds, these members are younger and whiter — though the progressive constituency is a multiracial one. Much of this energy from the left comes from those who have fully accepted DC as a wealthy jurisdiction with a strong tax base, and want to leverage that to meet the many needs that were left to languish in prior decades as the District continually pursued economic development schemes.
On the other end are “business-friendly” moderates, often functionally small-c conservatives who insist that any budget misstep, no matter how well-intentioned, will yeet us back to the Control Board days. These Councilmembers, most prominently the bygone Evans, hold on obsessively to the myth that lower taxes can prevent capital flight.
This dynamic is exacerbated by Chairman Mendelson’s power and (now that Evans is gone) position as the biggest budget hawk on the Council.
Mendelson is not up for election, but it often feels like he is. The chair has such power over the legislative process in DC that when candidates are asked about recent legislation, their responses are in effect referenda on his leadership.
The chairman’s official bio shows where he stands: “Phil believes that government should be an honest, efficient deliverer of services, and that the District should help those least able to help themselves to develop the skills to become self-sufficient and end the cycle of poverty. Phil also believes that government must accomplish this without increasing the tax burdens already shouldered by our middle-income residents.” Recent budget season flare-ups have been poorly managed by the Chairman, who has lashed out at “advocates” who push for increased taxation of the wealthy.
The Democratic establishment “Green Team” led by Mayor Bowser is one center of local power, and Mendelson’s moderacy is another (though they align on a lot). There’s a vague “business interest” constituency that tends to take up a lot of oxygen: think of the groups that lined up against Initiative 77 or Paid Family Leave, which have ended up being our political litmus tests. Both the Bowser and Mendelson poles draw from this constituency at times without necessarily being defined by it.
But it’s the rising “progressive caucus” — whatever that actually ends up meaning — that has dominated this cycle, and that seems to be what a whole gaggle of other politicos are afraid of.
The semi-surprise walloping of Bowser acolyte Brandon Todd in the Ward 4 Democratic primary by Janeese Lewis George might have been the progressive caucus’ real coming out party. In this way, 2020 is feeling like a bigger version of the extremely messy Silverman-over-Reeder at-large victory two years ago.
With that, let’s get to the candidate most associated with this progressive caucus.
The Candidates
The campaign of Ed Lazere has been a wonder to behold. It’s not clear yet whether he has the most voter support (that’s what elections are for), but he clearly has the most activated voters working to get him elected. A campaign email said 2,402 people had donated as of a week ago (10/8) to his campaign, at least double or triple his opponents. He has racked up organizational endorsements — a testament to decades spent working alongside many of those organizations as leader of the DC Fiscal Policy Institute, which studies and advocates on local issues, especially economic justice. (For example, Sierra Club endorsed Lazere; he was an instrumental voice in helping local greens craft equity provisions into the campaign that ultimately yielded the Clean Energy DC 100% renewables act.) As one would expect of a true progressive, he dominates union endorsements.
What is most appealing about Lazere’s candidacy may be his longtime willingness to take uncomfortable positions — then survive politically to see the day when they become popular. Though he’ll be tarred as a candidate of the radical left, his policy answers to the Post questionnaire put him in the majority on almost every issue, with the exception of congestion pricing — which was split 9–10 by respondents. Plus, as one insider put it, “Ed is scary to moderates (and established business interests) because he’s enough of a budget expert to know how to not run a deficit, and he’ll tax them more to do it.” Sounds like a qualification to us.
Christina Henderson seemed to be doing everything right at the beginning of this race, but has struggled to maintain a prominent place amid the field. She’s run a relatively smooth campaign, which should be expected from a longtime politico whose experience runs from Princeton (MPA) to presidential campaigns (Hillary ’08) to the Council (Grosso staffer) and back to Congress (Schumer staffer). She has positioned herself as a “pragmatic progressive,” explicitly referencing the example of Ward 6 Councilmember Charles Allen — someone who is not necessarily the most strident voice, but a consistent architect of legislation. Like Lazere, she is running on public financing. She seems personable and earned a close second to Lazere in Greater Greater Washington’s endorsements — which is probably how many people will feel. Perhaps some may feel Lazere will come in with too much antagonism to the Chair, or that, as a woman of color, Henderson will bring a critical perspective.
It’s maybe worth an aside to comment on why Henderson’s endorsement from Grosso didn’t seem to carry as much weight as other big endorsements in this race. Of course, she worked for him, so maybe it was just expected. But at many points, Grosso could easily stake a claim for the most progressive Councilmember, though his most public work tended towards civil liberties and social issues — decriminalizing sex work, the most definitive marijuana legalization bill, electoral reform — and away from intense budget fights.
Even then, he has never been the banner-holder for the progressive movement, whether on the Council or in the District as a whole. His insistence on stepping aside after two terms is admirable, but it doesn’t seem to have cleared the lane for a handpicked successor. (Side note: Working for Schumer raises a whole host of other questions we won’t get into, but that experience has to have rubbed off on her somehow — she may have learned a lot from his mistakes, or maybe not.)
DC voters are frequently asked to engage in ridiculous and head-spinning game theory to cast their votes, especially for At-Large races. Despite Henderson and Lazere earning praise from similar places and people, Lazere is perceived as the “consensus candidate” because of the endorsements he’s racked up…..but has probably racked up a bunch of those endorsements because of that perception.
He is older, with more experience. It’s not that complicated. Until we get something like ranked choice voting, many qualified candidates like Henderson will continue to be overlooked.
Many voters may be choosing between Henderson and Lazere, and many will be compelled to choose them both. Because White is likely to win, if you have a preference, you should technically engage in what’s called “bullet voting” and choose just one of Henderson or Lazere to maximize your impact. If you’re looking for separation, here are a few of the Post’s policy questions Henderson and Lazere answered differently:
- Does the District have too many police officers? Lazere yes, Henderson no.
- Do you support continued mayoral control of DC Public Schools? Henderson yes, Lazere no. (Don’t know about mayoral control? Basically, it’s what it sounds like: 2007 legislation gave the mayor more control than is common over DCPS. This is a really important distinction for many who see the educational status quo as unacceptable.)
- Rate Mayor Bowser’s performance on a scale of 1–10. Lazere 4, Henderson 5.
- What agency or program do you see as ripest for budget cuts? Lazere: DC Police, Henderson: DDOT Streetcar
And here are a few from the City Paper questionnaire:
- Should DC raise property taxes on multi-million dollar homes? Henderson no, Lazere yes.
- Does DC have too many cops? Henderson no, Lazere yes.
- Do you support the eventual decriminalization of all drugs? Henderson no, Lazere yes.
- Do you support a 1.5c/oz tax on sugary drinks? Henderson no, Lazere yes.
Marcus Goodwin has raised a lot of ire, with Black Lives Matter DMV going so far as to put together a YouTube video explaining their “no confidence vote” in him. His background in real estate puts a big onus on him to counter the perception that developers run DC; he got off on the wrong foot by opposing the eviction moratorium. It was not a good look. But his Millennial savvy and business experience were enough to earn the Post’s endorsement (Henderson got the other), which in an At-Large race may carry less sway than the endorsement of current Councilmembers Anita Bonds and Vincent Gray. He is with it on a number of issues, pushing for bus electrification and home solar, for example. But he does not seem to believe that an equitable future requires redistribution or really even a challenge to authority. He would means-test rent control, and he recently stooped to questionable lows accusing the Sunrise Movement of “KKK” tactics in pushing for rent control reform. He has earned almost no organizational endorsements and received only 6% of his financing from small-dollar donations, per DCVoterGuide.com. Many said his campaign emailed or texted them unsolicited. None reported texting back.
Moving along: Vincent Orange name recognition could make the difference in a crowded field. It is a memorable name, but he was also on the Council for most of the last twenty years. Voters’ decisive put-down of Jack Evans after decades of service, though, would seem to suggest a restive audience when it comes to repeat ethics offenders (and people who love throwing money at stadiums). Orange and Goodwin have similar policy positions. Orange seems most likely to think that bringing the Washington Football Team back to DC with a massive subsidy appeals to voters.
Notably, the Mayor is sitting this one out so far. After taking a major L in the Ward 4 primary, she hasn’t endorsed in the at-large race (but seems closest to Goodwin ideologically). Maybe Lazere gets on the Chairman’s nerves enough that she might enjoy his presence — though Henderson actually has an interesting idea for an independent parliamentarian that might curb some of Mendelson’s influence.
A second tier of candidates includes Markus Batchelor, Will Merrifield, Chander Jayaraman, Jeanne Lewis, Franklin Garcia, Alex “Dreams Come True” Padro, and Mónica Palacio. Few signs suggest they can pull out, but they and (many, many) other candidates have their appeals for certain constituencies. It’s a shame Palacio didn’t at least get more momentum this race — she has commendable experience at the DC Office of Human Rights and, believe it or not, we’ve still never had a Latin or Hispanic member of Council, which is something that should change very soon. Claudia Barragan is also in the mix, having worked for Trayon White and bringing her own experience to advocate for the city’s immigrant communities. Mario Cristaldo’s idea of 12-year limits on Councilmembers is worth a thought.
Batchelor is a leading younger voice currently serving on the State Board of Education. Merrifield, a tenants rights lawyer who brokered meaningful wins at Brookland Manor, prompted great questions in the debates about social housing. Both should continue to be part of the progressive conversation.
Ward 2
Brooke Pinto is potentially incompetent, or a Russian psyop, or not that bad, or good, or room-temperature fine, or just an honest realpolitik representative of the interests of the high-earning Ward 2 constituents in Penn Quarter and Georgetown. But Pinto is a Democrat, and as we discussed before, incumbent Democrats don’t typically lose elections here.
Could this one?
For starters, Pinto is still brand new and lacks any signature initiative or accomplishment. Her very first vote was against the tax increase on the rich — one in which she joined the majority of the Council but the minority of the city.
Moreover, her initial election might have been a fluke. It doesn’t seem like she would have won in a less crowded primary field: Patrick Kennedy and Jordan Grossman just couldn’t get out of one another’s way fighting for the same lane. They won 47% of the vote together, compared to Pinto’s 28%.
We can’t remember any who were choosing between Pinto and one of Kennedy or Grossman, though we’re sure they exist. Without rehashing the vote split too deeply, it’s worth recognizing that Lazere’s candidacy has gained such momentum because he unites in many cases the endorsements that these two split. (Literally.)
Pet peeve: In the aftermath of the Pinto election, much attention focused on her endorsement by the Post as an explanatory variable behind her win. As some observers have pointed out, the Post endorsement is not written by, like, the Post, or even the Post’s Metro section, but by Silver Spring resident JoAnn Armao, whose desires, interests, preferences, and motives are totally obscure but nonetheless move votes. The Post should do better by its home city.
Some folks have honed in on Pinto since the primary election, pointing out some questionable campaign finance (Pinto served as her own treasurer for a while), and some other more clickbaity stuff that nonetheless providesa fuller picture of her background and experiences, like family ties with Mar-a-Lago. She was endorsed by Joe Kennedy III, whose own campaign received money from Pinto’s father.
In any case, she was cleared of the existing charges, and the local reporter who worked on a lot of the Jack Evans story does not seem convinced there’s anything amiss.
Even if your degree of tinfoil hat may vary on this, it is true that the first vote Pinto ever cast in the District was for herself — she literally wasn’t registered here until running herself. In years past might have been disqualifying, and it’s also a signal of just how little record we have to go on in evaluating her. She was part of some positive developments from AG Racine’s office, where she previously worked — cracking down on polluting buses, for example— and surely could develop into an accomplished, venerable legislator.
But she’s not there yet, and Randy Downs has mounted a credible challenge to cut her off. Downs has been an Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner in the Dupont area, an LGBTQ and transit advocate on local issues. He works for Sierra Club with students on climate change. (Full disclosure: I worked alongside Downs on grassroots youth climate initiatives in 2014–2015.)
Get to know Randy Downs with our candidate Q&A.
Downs had his come-up in ANC 2B — the most insane caricature of toxic neighborhood politics we currently have — and emerged relatively unscathed. He’s had a strong focus on transportation, being one of the main champions of the forthcoming 17th Street protected bike lanes; he earned Greater Greater Washington’s endorsement. (Sierra Club’s endorsement of Brooke Pinto vexed a number of observers. The endorsement came from the Club’s local, not the national office where Downs works.)
If you’re comparing this to the Ward 2 primary, Downs certainly seems the closest to Patrick Kennedy, both in ANC experience and in attempting to walk the line between the citywide progressive movement and the weird politics of a ward that stretches from Shaw to Georgetown and includes Jeff fuckin’ Bezos’ house, among other notable assholes. But he genuinely seems like he could make us all happy.
All of us writing about the Ward 2 races should acknowledge that it’s been incredibly hard to do any good prognosticating here. If one dude has held a Council seat mostly uncontested for longer than the people writing this have been alive, it turns out it’s difficult to know what the true political dynamics of that Ward are once that veil is lifted.
Initiative 81
Let’s talk about magic mushrooms.
You’ve no doubt noticed the (admittedly dope as hell) “PLANT MEDICINES CAN CURE DEPRESSION” signs all over the place. Initiative 81 — the only referendum on the ballot this year — wouldn’t decriminalize but would de-prioritize enforcement of natural psychedelics. If you’re still filling out your ballot, don’t forget to turn it over and vote on this!
No joke, the campaign is significantly funded by the Dr. Bronner’s soap company, which has apparently made this an issue of theirs. Despite their backing, signs in support of the initiative are relatively concise.
The campaign behind 81 handled signature collections during the pandemic so well that they should probably just be in charge of the DC Board of Elections.
How to Change Your Mind author Michael Pollan’s perspective after writing a book about psychedelics: Even if we don’t know enough yet to fully legalize, “No one should ever be arrested or go to jail” for mushrooms.
State Board of Education, ANCs, & More
We couldn’t get to everything, but these are still important. Some of the resources below should enable further homework on these fronts.
Further Resources
- Working Families Party got the *extremely* choice url of https://www.dcvoterguide.com/. It runs through all the At-Large candidates’ fundraising metrics (i.e. whether they took public funding and who’s donating to them) and all their endorsements. The way it’s packaged makes it pretty evident that Lazere has wrapped up the endorsement game from electeds, unions, and advocacy nonprofits.
- Greater Greater Washington endorsed Ed Lazere and Robert White for at-large, Randy Downs in Ward 2, and made ANC-level endorsements everywhere: Wards 1&2, 3&4, 5&6, 7&8.
- Sierra Club endorsed Ed Lazere for at-large and Brooke Pinto for Ward 2
- The Washington Post interviewed every State Board of Education candidate. We previously mentioned their very helpful visualization of at-large candidate positions on a number of key issues.
- League of Women Voters has a nice nonpartisan guide as well
- The Washington Teachers Union made endorsements in the State Board of Education races.
