Chuaigh Tomás Ó Loingsigh ar an ordóg chun na Gréige an mhí seo le tuairisciú ar staid na tíre i gcomhthéacs na géarchéime polaitíochta agus eacnamaíochta. Seo a léamh ar a bhfuil tar éis tarlú…
Blianta fada amach anseo beidh línte borba an chirt agus an éigirt soiléir le feiscint.
Admhófar an droch-imirt, i bhfad i ndiaidh dheireadh an chluiche, i bhfad tar éis chomhaireamh na dtorthaí.
Foilseofar leabhair amach anseo agus craolfar cláracha faisnéise a thabharfaidh léargas dúinn ar an méid atá ag tarlú sa Ghréig le tamall anuas.
Rachaidh fir agus mná léinn i mbun díospóireachta ar an gceist — ní bheidh na frontaí faoi cheilt mar atá siad anois — ach ní bheidh ann ach stair faoin dtráth sin.
Cúis aiféala eile, deis eile imithe ar strae.
Agus sin atá uathu is dócha.
Faoin am sin beidh an chéad éagóir eile faoi lán seoil agus an ceart agus an t-éigeart curtha as riocht arís eile.
Is cinnte, sna blianta amach romhainn, go ndíreoidh na saineolaithe a n-aird ar chaimiléireacht na maorlathaithe neamhthofa ón Aontas Eorpach, agus ar an iarracht radacach a rinne Syriza chun an Eoraip a athghabháil ar mhaithe leis an daonlathas agus an cur le céile.
Feicfear dúinn nár ghealtacht é an t-éileamh a rinneadh ar son faoiseamh fiachais don Ghréig, ach éileamh ceart agus cóir.
Go raibh tábhacht ag baint le bráithreachas Eorpach tráth ach go ndearnadh dearmad air.
Gur chuid eile den tsean-idé-eolaíocht chéanna í an déine, idé-eolaíocht an phríobháidithe agus an nua-liobrálachais atá feicthe againn go minic sa Tríú Domhan ach nár shíleamar riamh a fheiscint chomh cóngarach don mbaile.
Macallaí na staire
In 1990 thit stocmhargadh na hAfraice Theas as a chéile ar an lá a shiúil Nelson Mandela amach ón bpríosún.
Gach uair a ndearna an ANC iarracht an rud ceart a dhéanamh — an sean-chóras eacnamaíoch agus cumhacht dhiabhlaí bhán na cinedheighilte a bhriseadh — thit luach rand na Afraice Theas.
Nuair a labhair urlabhraithe an ANC amach maidir le ceart eacnamaíoch, thit luach an rand.
Nuair a labhair Mandela faoi náisiúnú, thit an rand.
Fiú amháin nuair a luaigh ceannaire an pháirtí a mheon gur spórt bán a bhí sa rugbaí, thit luach an rand.
Léirigh na nuachtáin na sean-réabhlóidithe seo mar bhagairt do gheilleagar, d’fás agus d’infheistíocht na tíre.
Agus seans gurbh í sin an fhírinne: d’éiligh an Freedom Charter, forógra bunaidh an ANC, fíor-‘Rainbow Nation’ a bhí bunaithe ar athdháileadh eacnamaíoch, náisiúnú, athriar talún agus cearta oibre.
Is é sin le rá, d’éiligh siad an rud cóir tar éis na mblianta den éagóir — ní cearta éadoimhne daonlathacha amháin ach athrú iomlán sóisialta sa tír.
Ach cibé uair ar thug an ANC aghaidh ar na gealltanais sin, thit luach an rand.
Go dtí gur sheasadar siar.
Ní thugann an saormhargadh deis don rud cóir teacht chun cinn.
In 1984 maraíodh breis agus 16,000 duine nuair a tharla sceitheadh gáis i monarcha ceimicí i Bhopal na hIndia.
In 2004, ar chomóradh 20 bliain na tragóide, shiúil beirt fhear isteach i stiúideo an BBC agus lig siad orthu gur ionadaithe de chuid DOW Chemicals iad agus gur ghlacadar le freagracht DOW do na híospartaigh.
Agus tharla an rud céanna.
Nuair a bhí an chuma ar an scéal, ar feadh tamaillín beag gairid, go raibh sé ar intinn acu an rud ceart a dhéanamh, thit luach margaidh scaireanna DOW go tobann i gcúpla uair an chloig de thrádáil sular dhiúltaigh DOW Chemicals an fhreagracht sin.
Ní féidir leis an saormhargadh deis a thabhairt don rud cóir teacht chun cinn.
An chóir faoi chois
Agus arís inniu, agus na nuachtáin liobrálacha fós ag gáire faoi Tsipras maidir lena thaidhleoireacht “anordúil”, agus ag insint dúinn faoin gcaoi a bhfuil sé tar éis spealadh eacnamaíochta na Gréige a chur in olcas le 3% — cibé rud gur brí leis sin — is é an scéal céanna atá le feiscint.
Ach ní ar ‘pholaitíocht radacach’, ná ar ‘taidhleoireacht dhainséarach’ ar cheart an milleán a leagadh maidir le hateip gheilleagar na Gréige.
Tá an locht sin ar uamhan an mhargaidh roimh an deis go mbeadh bua ag an daonlathas.
Bhí uafás ar an gcóras go gcuirfí an rud cóir i bhfeidhm.
Cinnte gur tharla coup sa Ghréig an mhí seo.
Ach ní coup é a cuireadh i bhfeidhm le tancanna ar na sráideanna, nó fiú i gcruinniú idir oifigigh an Aontais Eorpaigh.
Is coup é seo a tharlaíonn lá i ndiaidh lae.
Is é coup síoraí an tsaormhargaidh é, coup a iompaíonn ár gceannairí i saineolaithe eacnamaíocha.
Coup laethúil a iompaíonn ár ndaonlathas ina chleas páistiúil agus ina chomhartha folamh.
Is féidir Tomás a leanúint ar Twitter anseo.
Aistriúchán Béarla//English Translation
Years later, of course, the lines of justice and injustice will be clear. Guilt and fear-mongering will be admitted, long after the game is over, the results tallied, the good guys lost and there’s nothing to do but listen to the worn-out apologies.
They will publish books about this (history books) and documentaries will be aired that will take us behind the scenes, and the academics will debate it, and it will be analyzed in decades and centenaries and those lines of injustice will no longer be hidden in the cant of politicians. But then it will be history, just another regret, another failure, another lost opportunity. And I suppose that’s what they want. And by then the next injustice will be happening, abstracted from history, from right and wrong, turned into statistics and political lies.
After all the inquiries and the commissions and the tribunals and the thin apologies, the work will be done and finished. It is being done tonight in a Brussels boardroom. We have watched history happen brazenly behind closed doors.
Years later the analysts will look at the political and financial corruption of unelected technocrats like Juncker, and at the radical attempt to reclaim Europe for democracy and justice by Syriza, and we will see that the good guys lost, that the good guys always lose. That the call for debt relief, for solidarity, was not mad and desperate — but just. That austerity was the same old ideology, the same old debt-enforced ideology of privatization and neo-liberalization we’ve seen enacted throughout the Third World, that we never expected so close to our own homes.
But that the technocrats and the unelected bureaucrats were too in thrall to the banks to do the right thing.
In 1990 the S. African stock market collapsed on the day Mandela walked free. The largest diamond company, Diamond Beers, moved its headquarters to Switzerland. Every time the ANC tried to do the right thing, to break the old economic order, the power of the white apartheid devil, the value of the S. African rand fell. When ANC party spokesmen spoke about economic justice the rand fell. When Mandela spoke about nationalization the All-Gold Index fell 5 points. When part leader called rugby a white sport, the rand fell. The newspapers cast these old revolutionaries as threats to the economy, to prosperity, to growth and investment. And maybe they were. The Freedom Charter, the founding manifesto of the African National Congress, drafted in the slums and townships of the country back in the 1950s, called for a true Rainbow Nation based on true justice, economic redistribution, nationalization, labour rights, land reform, called for the right thing after decades of the wrong, and not just shallow democratic rights. But whenever the ANC tried to keep these holy promises, the rand fell. The market cannot let the right thing happen. And in the end Mandela and Mbeki pulled back.
And in 2004, when two hoaxters walked into a BBC studio claiming to be representatives of DOW Chemicals on the anniversary of the Bhopal disaster in an Indian pesticide plant that left a death toll of 16,000 people, and accepted DOW’s responsibility to the victims of the tragedy, and the compensation that they would pay to those victims and their families, the same thing happened. The market value of DOW’s shares dropped dramatically in the few hours trading before DOW Chemicals disclaimed responsibility — when they appeared, just for a moment, to do the right thing. The market is mindless, ruthless, without thought or ethic. It cannot let the right thing happen.
And today, the liberal newspapers are heaping their scorn on Tsipras and Varoufakis for their ‘chaotic’ and ‘reckless’ diplomacy, and telling us how it has deepened the Greek depression by three percentage points, whatever that means, it is the same story repeated. It is easy to forget the years of corruption and mismanagement under ND rule, how they lead to the crisis years before Syriza came to power. It is easy to forget the fear-mongering and the lies of newspaper man. But one clear truth stands out. It is not ‘radical politics’ or ‘reckless diplomacy’ that caused the economy to buckle, it is the fear in the markets that the gestures of democracy, of breathing people on the streets, might win. That the right thing might be done.
There was a coup last week. Not a coup enacted with tanks on the streets, or even at an EU summit. This is a coup that happens every day. The endlessly repeating coup of the markets, that makes our leaders bureaucrats and specialists. An everyday coup that turns democracy into a child’s trick, an empty gesture, a pretty sleight of hand.
TomásLynch/Blackfish_Media
