How Catalonia Shows Spain’s Internal Divison

Beautiful beaches, sunny weather, and delicious cuisine — Spain offers it all. Yet, despite its many attractions, the Iberian country has struggled with internal stability due to its geography and regionalism. The continuous conflicts with Catalonia and the Basque region are exemplary.

Philip III chose Madrid as the capital in 1561. Situated in the heart of the Iberian Peninsula, it seemed adequate for a centralist government; however, the narrow coastal plains, where most major cities are located, quickly come up against mountain walls in both the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The center of the country, called the Meseta, is a single plain with further forests and mountains.

These natural barriers led to a lack of communication and made trading between regions more difficult. Combined with few navigable rivers and Spain’s size (twice as big as Great Britain), the centralist power struggled to fully control its regions. This remains true today, as Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez depends on a Catalan separatist party to stay in power.

In this post, we will discuss the history behind regionalism, using Catalonia as an example, and how it affects Spain as a country.

The Roots of Regionalism

Various ethnic groups, including Iberians, Celts, and Basques, first inhabited the Iberian Peninsula. The Romans’ conquest between the 3rd century BC and the 5th century AD unified most of the Peninsula. The introduction of the Latin language and Roman culture influenced architecture, religion, and, most notably, the language. Castilian, Catalan, Galicia, and Portuguese all evolved from Latin. The Basque region, although conquered, was able to maintain its language throughout the Roman period.

The fall of the Roman Empire led to the establishment of the Visigothic Kingdom from the 5th to the 8th century. The kingdom tried to unify the various regions under a single rule, but local identities persisted. Natural barriers already hindered centralist rule before Spain existed. In 710, King Witiza died in Toledo, and several rivals claimed the throne. The follwing invasion of Spain by the Muslims occurred due to their readiness to invade and a call for assistance from one Visigothic faction to overthrow the usurper King Roderick.

The Period of Al-Andalus

In May 711, an army of 7000 men headed by Tariq ibn Ziyad arrived in Gibraltar and defeated and killed Roderick in the Battle of Guadalete. Instead of returning to Africa, the Moors continued north and conquered Toledo the same year. By 714, most of the Iberian Peninsula was under Muslim control. The lack of homogeneous integration of the Hispano-Visigoth was the main reason for the rapid success of the Islamic forces. Only some northern kingdoms, such as Asturias, León, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon, resisted.

The Muslims did not stop there. The Moors repeatedly attacked north of the Pyrenees. But then came the Battle of Tours and Poitiers. In seven days, the Franconian leader Karl Martell and his allies won the battle, and many historians believe that they saved Christianity in Europe. Martel and his successors affirmed that if the Muslims passed the mountain range, the end of a Christian Europe was near. After the defeat, the Moors “only” controlled two-thirds of the Peninsula between 756 and 1031.

The Divided Reconquista

While the Reconquista started in the 8th century, its accomplishments were few. However, when the Arab Caliphate split in 1031, the Chists saw an opportunity. In the following decades, multiple Christian nations recaptured territory from the Moors. In 1085, Toledo, the most important city in the Meseta, was conquered. In the next 200 years, major cities like Sevilla, Cádiz, and even the capital of Al-Andalus, Córdoba, were recaptured. Portugal already declared independence in 1139. Only Granada remained under Muslim control.

However, the different kingdoms that formed part of the Reconquista had little in common besides the fight for Christianity. The kingdoms of Castile, León, Aragon, and Navarre developed unique legal systems, cultures, languages, and political institutions. Some differences were reduced when Ferdinand I of Castile inherited León, uniting the two kingdoms.

A crucial moment occurred in 1459 when Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile married, uniting two of the most powerful Christian kingdoms under a single dynastic union, which led to the unification of Spain as a nation-state. The two ruled their kingdoms jointly but maintained separate institutions, laws, and customs. The union proved fruitful, as the Reconquista was completed with the fall of Granada in 1492. Spain had become a nation with completely distinct cultures, languages, and idiosyncrasies. However, the golden age between the 16th and 17th centuries overshadowed the differences.

Catalonia’s Early History

After the rapid expansion of the Muslim forces, the area that would become Catalonia was part of the Spanish Marches, a buffer zone established by the Carolingian Empire to defend against incursions during the early 9th century. Counties like Barcelona, Girona, and Osona were established under Frankish sovereignty and governed by local counts. Wilfred the Hairy (878–897) is considered the founding father of Catalonia as he consolidated the counties and became Count of Barcelona. He established a hereditary system for the counts, reducing Frankish influence and increasing local autonomy.

In the following two centuries, Catalan identity would develop. Ramon Berenguer I, Count of Barcelona from 1035, codified the Usatges de Barcelona, a set of laws that formalized the legal system and reinforced local governance. However, the marriage of Petronilla of Aragon and Ramon Berenguer IV united the County of Barcelona with the Kingdom of Aragon, forming the Crown of Aragon. While the two territories were united under one ruler, they maintained separate laws, languages, and institutions. Between the 12th and 15th centuries, the Crown of Aragon expanded its influence across the Mediterranean, including the conquest of the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Sardinia, and parts of Greece.

Centralization and Conflict

Regional autonomy was respected after 1492, but the first conflict between centralist Spain and Catalonia occurred in 1640. Spain was involved in the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) against France, which placed a heavy financial and military burden on its territories. Heavy taxes and resource extraction in the prosperous region led to discontent. Madrid stationed royal troops in the area and obliged Catalonia to contribute its military to the Spanish army. The Catalans deeply resented the Spanish Crown’s efforts to centralize power and diminish regional autonomy.

The revolt started with the Corpus de Sang (Corpus of Blood). On June 7, Catalan peasants, known as reapers, attacked Spanish officials and troops during the Corpus Christi procession. The revolt quickly spread throughout Catalonia, with peasants, urban residents, Catalan nobility, and clergy segments joining the rebellion. In September 1640, the Catalan government declared independence from Spain and sought protection from France. The latter, under Cardinal Richelieu, provided military support to the Catalans, trying to weaken its enemy.

On January 26, 1941, Spanish forces attacked Montjuïc, aiming to capture the fort and break Barcelona’s defenses. The Catalan and French defenders resisted, and the royal troops had to retreat. After the Thirty Years’ War ended, France reduced its military and political activities. Spanish soldiers besieged Barcelona in 1651, and Catalan forces capitulated in October 1652.

The conflict between France and Spain was resolved in 1659 when the Treaty of the Pyrenees was signed, formally ending the Franco-Spanish War. As part of the treaty, Spain agreed to give up the northern Catalan territories of Roussillon and parts of Cerdanya to France.

King Versus King

The War of Spanish Succession (1701–1714) was another conflict that divided Spain and Catalonia. When the childless King Charles II passed away, a power struggle erupted between the Bourbon Philip V and the Habsburg Archduke Charles for the Spanish throne. Catalonia and other regions in the Crown of Aragon backed the Habsburg claimant Archduke Charles because they feared centralization under a Bourbon monarchy.

However, in 1714, Bourbon troops defeated the Catalan forces. After this defeat, Philip V abolished Catalonia’s institutions, laws, and privileges, imposing Castilian laws and administrative systems. This significantly reduced Catalonia’s autonomy and integrated it more directly into the centralized Spanish state. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Catalonia was continuously suppressed. Yet, in the second half of the 19th century, the Renaixença (Renaissance) restored the Catalan language, literature, and national identity. The movement laid the foundation for modern Catalan nationalism.

Only in the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939) was Catalonia granted more autonomy through the Statute of Autonomy of 1932, allowing for self-governance in many areas. Catalan culture and political activity, with the Generalitat (Catalan government) enjoying more power. The sense of liberty proved short-lived. The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) resulted in a victory for Franco’s nationalists. Catalonia, a major Republican stronghold, lost its autonomy.

Franco’s Regime and Repression

Centralization was one of Franco’s main objectives during his regime between 1939 and 1975. He also systematically suppressed Catalan culture. The use of Catalan in public life, education, and media was banned, and many Catalan institutions were abolished. Only in the stadium of FC Barcelona did the Catalans show their discontent, singing and talking in their mother tongue. Despite repression, Catalan culture and identity survived through underground activities, private use, and the efforts of cultural preservationists.

Catalonia in Modern Spain

After Franco died in 1975, the country transitioned to democracy. The Spanish Constitution was adopted in 1978, establishing Spain as a democratic state with autonomous communities. One of them, Catalonia, regained limited self-governance. In the 1980s and 1990s, Catalonia received further powers and developed a strong regional government with its own parliament and executive. Despite the expanded powers, many Catalans felt the autonomy granted was insufficient to address their aspirations for greater self-determination.

To the delight of Catalonians, the 2006 Statue of Autonomy was approved, granting greater autonomy to Catalonia. The law’s preamble defined Catalonia as a nation, regulated the community’s national symbols, and reinforced Catalan as the proper language of Catalonia. However, after four years of deliberation, Spain’s Constitutional Court struck down key parts of the statute in 2010, sparking widespread protests in Catalonia. The economic crisis of 2008 exacerbated economic grievances in Catalonia, with many Catalans believing they contributed more to Spain’s economy than they received in return. The region had been one of the powerhouses of the Spanish economy.

The Renewed Struggle For Independence

The struggle for independence was reignited in 2012. During the Diada, Catalonia’s national day, thousands of pro-independence demonstrators went on the streets. The event set off a wave of large-scale demonstrations demanding an independence referendum. The Catalan government, led by President Artur Mas, responded by pushing for a legal framework to facilitate such a referendum.

In 2014, despite vehement opposition from the Spanish government, Catalonia proceeded with an informal referendum. Declared illegal by Madrid, over 80% voted in favor. The situation escalated on October 1, 2017, when the Catalan government, now under President Carles Puigdemont, held a binding referendum. The Spanish Constitutional Court had once again ruled the vote illegal, and the day was marred by police intervention and a boycott by unionists. Despite the obstacles, 92% of those who voted supported independence.

Catalonia Versus Madrid

On October 27, 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared independence, a bold move that prompted the Spanish government to invoke Article 155 of the Constitution. This unprecedented action suspended Catalonia’s autonomy and imposed direct rule from Madrid. In the ensuing crackdown, several Catalan leaders were arrested or fled abroad. Among them was President Carles Puigdemont, who sought refuge in Belgium to avoid arrest.

Puigdemonst has since continued to advocate for Catalan independence. Despite various legal battles, including Spain’s repeated attempts to extradite him, he became relevant on the national stage several years later.

The 2023 Spanish National Election

After the failed referendum, Spain’s unity was in shambles. While the situation alleviated, the 2023 Spanish national election, held on July 23, resulted in a hung parliament, with no single party achieving a majority. The center-right Popular Party (PP) garnered the most votes but lacked the necessary seats to form a government. Incumbent Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s Socialist Party (PSOE) faced the task of securing a coalition to remain in power.

Madrid’s Pact With Separatists

Sánchez’s path to success involved week-long negotiations, culminating in a crucial deal with the Catalan separatist party, Junts per Catalunya (Junts), led by Carles Puigdemont. The agreement promised a law granting amnesty to individuals involved in the 2017 referendum, benefiting up to 1,500 people, including Puigdemont. Additionally, it included measures to promote the Catalan language in parliament and create a committee to investigate the surveillance of separatists​.

The deal has sparked controversy, with protests from the center-right Popular Party and concerns from the European Union about its implications. While the pact has secured Sánchez’s position as prime minister, it raises questions about the long-term stability of his government, given the conditional nature of Junts’ support.

Catalonia’s Role in Modern Spain

Centuries of centralism have shaped Spain’s infrastructure and political landscape. The highways and railways radiate outward from Madrid, much like the spokes of a wheel. Most major routes converge in the capital, whether by car or train. Natural barriers strategically protect Madrid’s geographical position. For instance, the Despeñaperros Pass, a narrow 10-kilometer valley, is the primary route between Madrid and Andalusia, illustrating the challenges of traversing the region’s terrain.

Changing a culture takes time, and changing the Catalan culture might prove impossible, considering Catalonia boasts a distinct identity, almost akin to a separate state. It has its police force, the Mossos d’Esquadra, a broadcast regulator, a flag, and an anthem. Furthermore, the region manages its healthcare and educational systems independently. However, achieving full independence raises critical questions about managing national institutions like border control, customs, defense, and a central bank, which Madrid currently oversees.

Economic interdependence is another significant factor. The region is heavily indebted, with over €84 billion in debt, most of which is owed to the Spanish government. This financial burden is expected to ease somewhat, as Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has promised to assume 20% of Catalonia’s debt in exchange for support from separatist parties. Yet, Catalonia’s economic significance to Spain is undeniable; it boasts the second-highest GDP among Spain’s regions, only surpassed by Madrid. Tarragona houses one of Europe’s largest chemical hubs, while Barcelona remains a major tourist destination, attracting 15.6 million visitors in 2023.

Catalonia’s influence extends beyond economics. Its push for independence has reshaped Spanish politics, compelling national parties, like the Euskal Herria Bildu party from the Basque region, to engage with regional issues and negotiate power-sharing arrangements.

Besides the data, the issue is highly emotional. When meeting a pro-independentist from Barcelona, never ask him if he is Spanish. He will correct you by saying: “I am not Spanish; I am Catalan.” For the same reason, probably, a possible independence will not be politically or economically motivated but rather based on the feelings of Catalonia’s society. Until now, Catalonia has been an autonomous region of Spain, but if a majority believes that “Madrid robs us,” cohesion is difficult to maintain in the long term.