Penalizing Abortion in Morocco
In this blog post, I will relate socialist feminist and anarcha-feminist solutions to a recent case of abuse against a female activist in Morocco.
- I will first outline the case,
- then I will briefly look at a socialist feminist analysis of sexism and subsequently outline the anarcha-feminist solutions of decentralization to existing patriarchal hierarchies in Morocco.
- I will argue that, if we are to gain equality between the sexes, we should implement these solutions and the values they point towards for the benefit of societies everywhere.
In her article, “Who Gets Arrested for Having an Abortion” published in the New York Times by Ursula Lindsey, Lindsey highlights a dispiriting case of abuse in Morocco on August 31st, 2019, where conservative morality is actively policed upon the citizens of the state.
Hajar Raissouni
On August 31, six policemen arrested the politically active 28-year-old journalist, Hajar Raissouni, outside of her office based on accusations of sexual promiscuity. Raissouni insists that she is falsely accused and is currently on trial along with her doctor that reportedly performed the abortion. Raissouni, however, is doubly accused, both for having sex outside of marriage and for having an abortion, crimes that under Morocco’s law can sentence her to up to two years in prison.
Extramarital Sex & Hypocrisy in Morocco
The reason this seems to be a case of patriarchal oppression and not merely an individual attack against a female activist is that in Morocco female promiscuity is seen and discussed in different terms than male promiscuity. Health surveys suggest that Moroccans regularly engage in extramarital sex and despite Morocco’s strict abortion laws estimations suggest that 600–800 abortions occur in the country every day.
It is primarily women that are targetted and prosecuted when engaged in sexual relations outside of marriage, testifying to the double standards that are held in Morocco. As Lindsey points out, “Middle-aged Moroccan men drink in bars with their mistresses but teenagers are detained for kissing in a park.” Because of societal pressures on women, rapes are not being reported due to a fear that they would be prosecuted for sex outside of marriage.
Notably, Raissouni’s case is not the first time activists in Morocco have been falsely accused of sexual misconduct. Lindsey writes about an incident in 2015, when Hicham Mansouri, who worked for a company that “supported investigative journalism” was convicted of adultery when police forcibly entered his house, falsifying evidence by forcing him to remove his clothes.
Similarly, in 2018, a public Islamist unmarried couple was arrested for being caught in a “compromising” situation late at night that led to a public humiliating trial contributing to the moral pandemic of sexual chastity in Morocco.
This was done mainly because public shaming is used by religious extremists as a scare tactic. In their view, exposing “sinners” may prevent others from participating in similar sexual behavior.
The reason this seems to be a case of patriarchal oppression and not merely an individual attack against a female activist is that in Morocco female promiscuity is seen and discussed in different terms than male promiscuity.
Socialist Feminism
The maltreatment of women in Morocco can be explained in a number of ways as social feminists have explained going beyond the societal consensus that, as the socialist feminist Juliet Mitchell writes, a “woman’s place” is the home. That is an underlying reason as to why Raissouni finds herself suffering from slander and mistreatment after seeking to change preexisting notions about where women belong.
The women’s rights activist, Evelyn Reed, reinforces this notion in her infamous article, “Women: Caste, Class or Oppressed Sex?” stating that the root of oppression of women in society is not due to biological differences between the sexes but rather can be explained by a historical and social evolution. With the increasing rise of the “family institution,” women were put into homes to take care of domestic work. Women were considered less valuable because men “took over most of the activities of social production.” If we are to change the patriarchal structures in Morocco, Reed suggests that we need to prevent the confinement of women in the household.
The socialist feminists, then, would point to creating activist groups primarily composed of women to challenge the laws of the men in power. This activism prevents isolation and reinforces the idea that that women belong in the public space as much as men do.
If isolation is not prevented, the pious notions that women are primarily in existence to reproduce and subsequently care for the child will remain unchallenged. Without purposeful collective activism, anything other than service to the household is seen as a violation of religious piety which must be the direct result of personal misalignment with the Divine Law.
The socialist feminists, then, would point to creating activist groups primarily composed of women to challenge the laws of the men in power.
Anarcha-feminism
Anarcha-feminism differs from socialist feminism in that it sees the process of decentralization as key to a more equal society.
In this framework, personal liberty outweighs the desire for economic equality. A potential solution to the inequality in Morocco from an anarcha-feminist view, as Peggy Kornegger explains it in her article, “Anarchism: The Feminist Connection,” starts with implementing decentralizing methods into society’s backbone by:
(1) a “small-scale participatory democracy” &
(2) “large-scale coordination with control at the bottom.”
We can directly observe how these were implemented by looking back at the Spanish Revolution in 1936–9. Small-scale participation was used because self-management is one of the most important aspects of success in decentralizing power. In Morocco, leaders or “representatives” are not replaced which tends to lead to power being abused and, in this case, for sexist laws being reinforced. During the Spanish Revolution, however, representatives were composed of workers and made accountable by repeated reinstatement.
Thus, one solution from an anarcha-feminist view is replacing those in charge of the penal system in order to guarantee a more democratic structure.
Another solution is to replace those in control with those at the bottom.
It would help if the people in power were equally represented by the women so that the penal system would be less inclined towards targetting minorities. In Kornegger’s view, implementing these solutions towards cases of abuse is “necessary” and not “utopian” by any means.
In decentralizing power and making sure that women are represented in the legislation, we could start seeing change. It is important to note that, in demanding change, we should not become disillusioned if change does not happen tomorrow but vigorously report on when women are targetted and hope for an increasing desire for equality because of it (Kornegger).
Thus, In Conclusion
I have briefly outlined how socialist feminism explains the roots of oppression towards women and why we should prevent female isolation and confinement to the domestic world.
Then I looked at how anarcha-feminism attempts to conjure solutions to hierarchical oppressive structures in society. In the end, in the words of Kornegger:
“Hope is woman’s most powerful revolutionary tool.”
We must look out for the criticism that this outlook is merely “utopian romanticism” (Kornegger). A more productive way of describing it could be in the form of hope for a brighter and more equal future. It is easy to be dispirited by cases of abuse in Morocco and in the West.
In reporting on these cases, however, we are making small valuable changes to a lasting revolution.
Check Out These Citations
Kornegger, Peggy. “Anarchism: The Feminist Connection.” The Anarchist Library, 1975, theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peggy-kornegger-anarchism-the-feminist-connection.
Lindsey, Ursula. “Who Gets Arrested for Having an Abortion?” The New York Times, The New York Times, 25 Sept. 2019, www.nytimes.com/2019/09/25/opinion/hajar-raissouni-arrest.html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FWomen%27s%2BRights&action=click&contentCollection=timestopics®ion=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=3&pgtype=collection.
Mitchel, Juliet. “Woman’s Estate.” Alternative Feminist Frameworks,
Reed, Evelyn. “Women: Caste, Class or Oppressed Sex?” Alternative Feminist Frameworks
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