The Power of Political Uprisings: A Case Study of Sudan
In December 2018, the people of Sudan began to oppose the long-standing autocratic government under president Omer Al-Bashir, who had been in power for 30 years. It was primarily reported that this opposition ensued due to commodity shortages, however, Bashir’s rule was tainted with crime, corruption and crisis, which plummeted the nation into economic and political despair. A notoriously powerful and determined civil society, which had toppled two dictatorships in the past century soon emerged, and managed to oust Bashir and pave the way for democratic solidarity. A year later, the nation basks in the results of the uprising, but still faces obstacles in ensuring justice for all those in mourning.
Historical Context
Since 1989, Bashir’s regime survived the third wave of democratization, which overturned many Middle Eastern regimes during the 2011 Arab Spring, and despite its oppressive rule, remained immune to widespread political insurgencies and grassroots organizations (Intifada) until the 2018/19 revolution. This longstanding immunity was a result of prominent military repression and the establishment of an oppressive Islamic state. The secession of South Sudan in 2011 and persistent economic mismanagement, rising inflation and corruption further strengthened growing insurgency amongst civilians.
In 1989, Bashir’s military coup, along with the National Islamic Front (NIF) maintained an oppressive rule through subtly mandating a “personalistic regime” in which loyalists were awarded key positions in political institutions. This policy, Tamkeen, was legislated in 1998 when the National Congress Party (NCP) under Bashir replaced government workers, university professionals and others who opposed the Islamic Movement with military officials. Omer Hassan Elmorabi, a local Engineer and advocate for the uprising described this policy as the gateway to a new culture immersed in corruption that enforced and normalised a “country controlled by thieves”. The deliberative weakening of civil institutions indeed ensured sustenance for Bashir’s government, and economic policies were adopted to acquire popular support, such as fixing the prices of basic commodities under the market rate. However, since state revenue was highly dependent on oil revenues, the secession of South Sudan in 2011 (which held most of the country’s reserves) prompted an increase in inflation to over 70% and forced the government to reduce the “web of patronage” that otherwise sustained it. Nonetheless, Tamkeen continued to extend into urban areas, and Elmorabi states that high-ranking positions in private companies were quickly filled by unqualified, young military personnel who, to this day, remain in place.
Dissatisfaction with such policies lead to the creation of “secret unions” of young professionals, which in fact preordained the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) that spearheaded the 2019 revolution. Such unions, which primarily employed youths, were motivated by grievances manifested by the growing presence of Tamkeen and the “intensified repression” carried out by such forces in adherence with Bashir’s Islamist state. This caused significant reductions in youth labour participation rates (which stood at 32.9% in 2012), and provoked activist groups in urban as well as rural areas.
A Modern Revolution
Between 2011–2013, the streets of Sudan were filled with opposition groups protesting against austerity measures that were enforced due to IMF pressure on government debts. The protests were led primarily by youth groups and professional unions, and were eradicated abruptly by the military, who according to Human Rights Watch were responsible for over 100 deaths and countless injuries.
Years later, in December 19th 2018, civilians gathered in Atbara to protest against commodity shortages and low minimal wage rates caused by the prolonged economic crisis. This event kickstarted the uprising, which was led by the SPA (an umbrella opposition group consisting of all trade unions), who organized the first demonstration on December 25th that gathered up to 10,000 civilians in Khartoum. The SPA was notorious for using social media platforms to organize non-violent demonstrations and promote subtle acts of resistance (slogans, social media posts), which soon became an iconic method in sustaining the revolution. On the 6th of April, the “March of Millions” took place on the anniversary of the 1985 uprising that successfully overthrew the dictatorship under Nimeiri. This event spread like wildfire on social media as a young student, Alaa Salah, famously led a protest dressed in a traditional white toub. This moment shed light on the role women played in the revolution on the streets, as they accounted for around 70% of protesters and were the victims of extreme acts of violence, including rape. A permanent sit in took place in front of the qyiada — the military headquarters — for five days, and on April 11th it was announced that Bashir had been removed from power and replaced by a coup under Defense Minister General Awad Ibn Auf. However, protestors were not satisfied by the new leader, who was seen as closely linked to Bashir, and after 36 hours Ibn Auf was replaced by General Abel Fattah al-Burhan, leader of the Transitional Military Council (TMC).
The transitionary period was followed by continued protests and sit-ins, as the people were adamant for the instalment of a full civilian government. The sit-ins were memorable as they became an outlet for local artists and poets, who filled the walls of compounds with murals and built stages for performances to be carried out throughout the day and into the night. The gatherings served as a celebration for Bashir’s removal, but also reinforced activism as young students, women and artists who were previously silenced under the dictatorship re-emerged to document their plight.
The transitionary period quickly dissolved as the TMC and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under General Hemedti violently dispersed the sit-in on June 3rd, a day that Elmorabi describes as the “blackest moment in Sudanese history”. The massacre killed over 200 civilians, with at least 50 civilians raped and hundreds more injured and missing. These events were documented by protestors, and footage was released thereafter on social media which confirmed the involvement of the RSF and displayed the atrocious acts of soldiers disposing of bodies in the Nile River and the imposition of “siege like conditions on health facilities”.
The TMC initiated a nation-wide internet shutdown for weeks, however footage of the attack went viral over social media and diaspora extended the revolution to Facebook, Instagram and Twitter and, by doing so, gained the support of the international community. The hashtags #IAmSudaneseRevolution, #SudanUprising and #TasgutBas were trending, and #BlueforSudan became particularly widespread in honor of former student and martyr, Mohammed Mattar.
As the world began to understand the severity of these events, Ethiopia supported proposals for a majority-led government and negotiations proceeded despite hostility from the TMC. In August, a constitutional declaration was signed between the FFC (Forces of Freedom and Change), encompassing the SPA and the TMC, which promised a smooth transition to multiparty elections. This transition was to be mitigated by an eleven-person council consisting of an equal distribution of members from both sides. On August 15th, former UN Economist Abdallah Hamok was appointed as prime minister, and under his jurisdiction an 18 member cabinet was sworn in (including Sudan’s first female foreign minister), and an investigation into the June 3rd Massacre was enforced. As for Bashir, he was sentenced to ten years in jail for possession of foreign currency worth $113 million.
What Lies Ahead?
Elmorabi confers that the new government under Hamdok was met with optimism and support by the local community. However, most civilians are not satisfied with the “slowness” of his response. Although Bashir remains imprisoned, there exists delayed extradition by the ICC over charges on corruption and crimes committed throughout his rule, which include the deaths of approximately 300,000 people. Additionally, the presence of Tamkeen remains eminent within the private sector and continues to damage the economy, according to Elmorabi. He suggests that a tremendous amount of work needs to be done to remove military personnel from political and economic institutions in order to safely transition to a civilian government. Reports from Tuesday June 3rd 2020 (the anniversary of the massacre) show that despite the progress made so far, victims remain unsatisfied. Numerous women who were subject to rape and gender-based violence demand to be acknowledged, and findings of Hamdok’s investigation against crimes committed by the RSF have yet to be released.
Nonetheless, it is astounding what the people of Sudan, especially the youth, were able to achieve in the fight for democracy. Sudan indeed provides a unique case of how politics can be restructured from the ground up, and to which a “civic duty” has been upheld persistently through political uprisings. Yet there remains the question of how a full transition can be achieved in a country plagued with corruption and injustice, and whether this will persuade the people to revolt in the near future.
The bibliography for this article can be found on the post entitled “References” on my profile.
