A Partner, Not a Subordinate
When NATO was formed in 1949, the enemy was obvious. The democratic allies of World War II united to contain communism and deter the Warsaw Pact. However, in the 30 years since the fall of the Iron Curtain, NATO has undertaken peacekeeping roles with missions in the Balkans, and thanks in part to Article 5 of the NATO charter, Afghanistan. This mutual defense clause is at the heart of NATO and was the primary deterrent against communist aggression in Europe during the cold war — a Soviet attack in Bonn or Bruges would have been the same as an attack on Boston or Bakersfield and trigger an American response. Luckily, Article 5 was only invoked once, not for Russian aggression in Europe, but for a Taliban-backed attack on the United States in September 2001.
The fall of Kabul has strained ties between Brussels and Washington. Transatlantic allies felt out of the loop and were unable to convince President Joseph Biden to delay the withdrawal of American forces from the Afghan capital, forcing them to scramble to protect their own interests the western-backed government felt without a fight against Taliban insurgents. In Biden’s mind, the case was clear, and domestic politics directed the end of America’s involvement. Now many in Europe, and not just European federalists, are questioning the status quo and balance of power in the transatlantic alliance.
The unilateralism that led towards the end of the decades-long war in Afghanistan is not new. However, under President Donald Trump’s “American First” policy, allies were sidelined and not consulted on military actions in Europe’s neighborhood. For example, after President Trump removed American forces from Syria in 2019 without coordinating with NATO allies, French President Emmanuel Macron declared, “we are currently experiencing is the brain death of NATO.”[1] While other NATO leaders distanced themselves from Macron’s remarks, they still stressed the need for international cooperation.
After the election of Joseph Biden, many celebrated the return of the United States to the world stage. After taking office, President Biden himself committed himself to “reforming the habits of cooperation and rebuilding the muscle of democratic alliances that have atrophied over the past few years of neglect.” This spirit of camaraderie was reinforced at the G7 meeting in June 2021 when President Macron stated it was “great to have a U.S. president who’s part of the club and very willing to cooperate.” By this time, the clock was already ticking on American involvement in Afghanistan.
In April, Biden delayed the date set by the 2020 Doha Agreement between the United States and the Taliban, which set the deadline for the American withdrawal for May 1. Not only did the agreement tie America’s hand but also “its allies, and Coalition partners, including all non-diplomatic civilian personnel, private security contractors, trainers, advisors, and supporting services personnel.” After initially stating the new date would be September 11, Biden committed to the final deadline of August 31. Taliban forces quickly advanced on Kabul, the western-backed government left the country on August 15, and the state descended into chaos as thousands attempted to flee the new regime. While the outcome of a Taliban may have been inevitable, the apparent suddenness of the hasty retreat sent shockwaves around the world. During an emergency session of G7 leaders a week after the fall of Kabul, the discussions publicly revolved around “a continuation of our close coordination on Afghanistan policy,” while at the same time world leaders publicly urged Biden to extend the deadline.
European leaders are now calling for greater autonomy in the wake of the American withdrawal. In an opinion for The New York Times, Josep Borell, the EU’s VP and High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy — Europe’s equivalent of a Secretary of Defense, pushed for enhanced capability. He called for “forces that are more capable, more deployable and more interoperable” because Europeans “not only for the evacuations out of the Kabul airport but also more broadly — [are] depending on American decisions.” Charles Michel, President of the European Council, which represents the national governments in the European Union, echoed these sentiments stating, “the necessity to reduce our dependencies and strengthen our strategic autonomy is more and more apparent. “
By being able to project power independent of NATO, the European Union can develop its own path without the worries of the ebbs and flows of American politics. In turn, the United States benefits by having a true partner on the world stage with a similar worldview which is more capable of defending its interests in the Eastern Hemisphere. If the emerging Biden Doctrine signals the end of American-backed nation-building, it would very well lead to a decade of isolationism and resignation of American ideals in a world much like a century ago, when a beaten and beleaguered continent looked towards charismatic leaders offering solutions by blaming outsiders. In that case, the United States needs a true transatlantic partner, and not only a subordinate in the European Union to protect our shared interests across the world.
