Climate Change: A Potential Source of Transatlantic Unity
Climate change remains the defining issue for the international community, an environmental hazard and a security threat not only for low-lying or island nations, but for major population centers across the globe. The European Union (EU), reflecting the wishes of its population — most notably a powerful Green Party movement with a newly realized power-base in the European Parliament following the 2019 elections — has asserted its leadership on the issue. The Council of the European Union, for instance, seeks to make Europe the first continent powered by carbon-neutral sources of fuel by 2050, and recent EU targets compare favorably to those of similarly-sized polluters like the United States and China. The EU’s strategy is also far more aggressive, encompassing not only domestic energy changes but also tariff measures against countries lacking stringent environmental rules. This latter policy stems from a distrust of not only China’s commitment to fighting climate change, but also that of the United States, especially in light of the weakening of climate measures in the reconciliation bill making its way through Congress.
This skepticism is understandable given the United States’ history on climate matters, both in domestic law and in international conferences; it was only around four years ago, after all, that former U.S. President Donald Trump removed the United States from the Paris Climate Accords. Such combative, but unilateral, policies like the aforementioned tariffs would only isolate the EU, and the Union cannot battle climate change on its own. First, the United States is estimated to be the second largest producer of greenhouse gases in the world. This fact alone means that if the EU is serious about limiting the damage to planetary well-being caused by climate change, it must align its policies with the United States within the next few years. Second, the largest emitter, China, is more likely to involve itself in a climate agreement that includes the United States, as compared to solely the EU (which China, arguably, does not take seriously); this can be seen in previous agreements, like that between President Xi Jinping and former U.S. President Barack Obama. Third, a recent analysis of the EU’s plans suggests that the Union would only harm its own economic prospects by undermining the international competitiveness of the bloc in the short term if other major economies — such as the United States and China — don’t align with the EU in its efforts.
Fortunately, it seems that U.S. President Joe Biden’s administration is ready to play ball and make climate change one of the focal points of a renewed transatlantic relationship. For instance, the administration has pushed for common “climate-related steel standards” between the United States and the EU. The Biden administration has also committed to climate neutrality by 2050, while also promising to provide further climate change aid to developing nations. The recently passed infrastructure bill, while not as expressly climate-focused as aspects of the reconciliation agreement initially were, still provides further investment in areas like decarbonization. The EPA has also announced a new Clean Air Act regulation that would limit methane emissions in the oil and gas industry, and at COP26, the United States and China announced a collaborative effort to reduce emissions and cooperate on certain aspects of green technology development.
The EU — and like-minded officials in the Biden administration — should take advantage of what may be a brief period of “green” unity at the executive level to take decisive steps towards climate solutions. Multiple avenues are available that do not require action from what is likely to be an increasingly oppositional Congress after the midterm elections. First, the EU should join the United States and China in their aforementioned agreement. This would not only allow the EU to utilize its climate expertise, but it would also ensure that the three largest economies in the world are united in a single effort. Second, in areas where China is likely to be reluctant to engage — such as greener methods of steel production — the EU and United States should utilize joint tariff measures, inviting in other major players, such as Japan and India, in an effort to pressure China towards compliance.
Third, the Biden administration could work with like-minded states to pursue domestic climate regulations with major industry impacts. The ability of the federal government to take action through the EPA may be curtailed depending on the outcome of a case before the Supreme Court challenging the EPA’s ability to regulate environmental standards. However, many large U.S. states have sought to move forward with their own climate plans, including 100 percent clean energy goals. Given the economic heft of the states involved — including California, which on its own was the fifth largest economy in the world as of 2018 — their combined influence could still move the United States towards a greener future even without direct federal intervention. Officials within the Biden administration can help coordinate these efforts and lend their expertise to their state-level counterparts. Officials within the EU could assist these efforts, perhaps through a “green”version of the Sister Cities program.
Ultimately, the issue of climate change is the defining challenge of the 21st century and limiting the damage will require global cooperation. For the duration of the Biden administration, the EU and United States have an opportunity to make considerable progress on this front, through their own shared initiatives, cooperation with China, and U.S. domestic efforts. Taking advantage of this opportunity will not only provide environmental and security benefits but could also provide a base upon which to somewhat repair the transatlantic relationship after the adversarial years of the Trump presidency. Failing to do so would thus represent a serious diplomatic blunder on both sides of the Atlantic.
