Congress Must Act Against Putin Where Trump Won’t
“The warning lights are blinking red,” says Dan Coats, Director of National Intelligence, about Russian cyberattacks threatening the 2018 midterm elections.
Coats knows his business, and the threat is not hypothetical. It is clear that Russian operatives interfered in the 2016 presidential campaign to help elect Donald Trump and are already interfering in our 2018 midterm elections. Yet, despite the evidence provided by his own administration, President Trump sees no reason to believe the Russians would have interfered in 2016 and refuses to believe that they are currently targeting the United States. We are entering a dangerous moment for American security: If the integrity of our elections is not safeguarded, the foundations of our self-government may crack.
Trump has been spreading nonsense across the American domestic scene for quite some time, but the other week, he took it to an extra level. Standing next to Vladimir Putin — a former KGB agent responsible for invading Crimea, downing a civilian airliner, protecting Bashar al-Assad, and murdering journalists — Trump parroted Russian propaganda. He attacked Special Counsel Robert Mueller, the American intelligence and law enforcement communities, and common sense. Then, two days later, he continued to toe the Russian line by claiming, against all evidence, that Russia was not still interfering in American domestic affairs. The White House has tried to walk back these claims by insisting that Trump meant something completely different than what he actually said. But it is obvious that Trump’s sympathies lie with Putin and Russia — to the detriment of American security — and no White House spin can erase that fundamental truth.
This is so astonishing a moment that it is worth considering why Trump acts this way. There are three possibilities. The first is that Trump, unable to contemplate nuance, views any suggestion that Russia interfered with the 2016 election as criticism of his victory. The second is that Trump actually views Putin as a positive force and a man to be emulated. The third is that, somehow, Trump or his family is either compromised or in debt to the Russians in a way that prevents Trump from criticizing or opposing Russian aggression, even if it directly harms American security interests.
The first possibility, a favorite explanation of Republicans, does not survive scrutiny. Trump’s bizarre praise of Putin and refusal to criticize Russia long predated the presidential election. Moreover, in his odd “walkback” of the Helsinki remarks, Trump went out of his way to note that while the Russians may have interfered, it “could be other people also.” If Trump were so worried about the credibility of his victory, why go off-script to note that non-Russians may have interfered as well? The signposts all point to Trump’s sincere desire to praise — or at least avoid criticizing — Russia.
This leaves only two possibilities: either that Trump admires Putin and wants to emulate him, or that Trump or his family are somehow compromised by or indebted to Russia. Both prospects are terrifying to conceive.
I served under President Obama for two years at the Department of Homeland Security. There are clear actions that any executive branch can take to mitigate or prevent the types of attacks stemming from Russia. I hope that the officials there now, both career servants and political appointees, are working hard to implement them. But given the gaping hole at the center of the executive branch — namely, Trump’s lack of interest in protecting American security — any measures are less likely to be effective.
As a result, an additional burden falls upon Congress to take action and to ensure that this administration follows through on its oath to protect the country from foreign enemies. Republicans have talked about their concern with Trump’s performance in Helsinki, but until they act on their concern, their words remain words. And it is clear that neither the president nor the Republican party, cowering beneath him, is up for the challenge. Nevertheless, we can hope that between now and November, men and women of good faith in both parties can rally together to safeguard the electoral process. After November, the only chance may be a Democratic Congress to check Trump and the pro-Putin, anti-American policies he pursues.
Timothy H. Kistner served as Confidential Assistant to the Department of Homeland Security’s General Counsel under President Barack Obama, and is a Political Partner with Truman National Security Project. Views expressed are his own.