Migration Amid a Global Pandemic: How the Coronavirus Has Affected Migration Around the World
Introduction
The outbreak of the novel coronavirus has impacted every part of the world. The changes needed to slow the spread of the virus have affected lives everywhere. However, some of those who have migrant backgrounds and those who are currently migrating around the world are more vulnerable to the spread and effects of the virus. There are an estimated 272 million migrants around the world. Many of those migrating do not have the proper resources and tools to adhere to health and safety guidelines, and the practice of detaining migrants in cramped camps and facilities only increases the chance of infection. As countries have gone on lockdown and redirected their resources to testing and supporting the economy, state migration services and the processing of visa applications and asylum claims have slowed down.
Immigrants in the United States
On April 22, Trump signed an executive order stopping immigration to the United States for 60 days. This is not the first US immigration policy to change as a result of the pandemic. Additionally, some policies and practices previously in place have only exacerbated the threat that the virus poses to non-citizens in the US and people migrating to the country.
The borders with both Canada and Mexico have been more strictly monitoring and deciding who goes in and out; however, the treatment of immigrants at the southern border and in detention camps has become harsher and has done little to ensure the health and safety of those migrating. For example, the “Remain in Mexico” policy stated that asylum seekers must wait in Mexico until their court hearing. Currently, those hearing dates have been pushed back and those waiting live in cramped shelters where social distancing is almost impossible and the risk of infection is high. In addition, Customs and Border Protection has been authorized to “immediately expel” migrants, including children, they encounter at the border; they stated earlier this month that they have expelled 80% of those they encounter within two hours.
Non-citizen residents in the US do not have access to the same resources as citizens and often work in positions that can increase their exposure to the virus. In addition to not having all the resources to protect themselves from the virus, undocumented immigrants may be wary of seeking medical attention because they are uninsured and fear being reported. The Trump Administration’s “public charge” rule, announced in February, penalizes legal immigrants for using federal programs like Medicaid by complicating the green card process, putting immigrants in the uncomfortable position of choosing between their citizenship and health.
Non-citizen residents make up almost 7% of the US workforce, and many work in positions deemed “essential”. Moreover, 75% of immigrant workers work in industries that experienced large layoffs in March. Unlike citizens, when temporary workers and undocumented immigrants are laid off, they generally do not receive unemployment benefits, and many were ineligible to receive the stimulus payment recently given out to millions of Americans. Although many governments have turned their attention to mitigating the domestic impact of the virus, migrants all over the world are very likely to experience disproportionate infection rates.
Refugee Camps and Refugees
In response to the virus, governments around the world have decided to close their borders; however, there are still tens of millions of people fleeing violence and in need of protection from another country. Often, they are put in refugee camps that place people in close proximity to one another, are unsanitary, and do not offer basic healthcare services or have proper access to testing for the virus. Because they are on the move at many times, refugees do not always have access to the most up-to-date information.
In Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Turkey, there are more than 12 million refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Countries in the Middle East are linked by informal and irregular migration routes, and wars in these countries make it difficult to properly monitor those coming in and out of the country. In addition, war has weakened the public health infrastructure of many countries, threatening their ability to properly track and respond to the virus. Due to rampant discrimination against refugees in many of these countries, the resources that are available do not go to refugee camps, where conditions might offer the “perfect storm for disease transmission”.
For many in these camps, it is not a question of if there is an outbreak, rather when. Camps on the borders of Europe and the US worry about the effects of such an outbreak since these countries have an already high number of cases that is still on the rise. In some camps, refugees have taken it upon themselves to disseminate much-needed health and safety information to others in the camps. Rather than mitigation strategies, governments are still using containment strategies when it comes to their refugee populations. Any outbreak in a refugee camp will likely spread outside of the camp and cause a resurgence of cases throughout the country’s population.
Conclusion
Anti-refugee and anti-immigrant sentiments throughout the world have weakened the effectiveness of government responses to the virus. Italy’s former interior minister, Matteo Salvini, connected the outbreak of the virus in the country to a rescue ship with 276 African migrants that docked in Sicily, though there is no evidence to support this claim. Similarly, the Greek government has used fear of the virus to justify building detention camps for asylum seekers. Though immigration law has served to maintain a strong distinction between citizens and non-citizens, these distinctions come to matter less amid a global pandemic. Coronavirus does not discriminate on the basis of citizenship status, and neither should any response to the outbreak that seeks to seriously protect the lives of everyone around the world.
This post was written by Cameren Lofton, Program Assistant- The Exodus Institute & UNC Center for European Studies Partnership
