Explaining Trumpocracy
By Kevin Mattson
Empire of Resentment: Populism’s Toxic Embrace of Nationalism
by Lawrence Rosenthal
The New Press, 272 pages, $27.99
History moves fast today. It’s incredibly difficult to get a sense of perspective, certainly the type that historians hope to acquire. That’s what makes this book so impressive. When I came to Rosenthal’s discussion of the Tea Party, I thought to myself: Man, I almost have forgotten about that thing; it feels — in the era of the Trumpocracy — like ancient history. And yet, the group’s origins are usually found just twelve years ago.
What Rosenthal shows is how the Tea Party — thought to be libertarian, anti-government, free market fundamentalists — morphed into Trump’s variety of right-wing populism and white supremacy.
Lawrence Rosenthal does a great job of tying together all of the different elements of Trumpocracy; he provides the quintessential contemporary history that helps us understand Trump’s (hopefully one term) presidency. Explaining Trumpocracy leads Rosenthal to some pretty weird places, but he never seems to lose the bigger picture. What he shows is how the Tea Party — thought to be libertarian, anti-government, free market fundamentalists — morphed into Trump’s variety of right wing populism and white supremacy. This transition is driven by emotions — especially by resentment among certain white people about not being as high up the socio-economic ladder of America as they thought they’d be. That all sounds like something recent (and it was), but Rosenthal importantly goes back to the 1920s to see the roots of right wing populism — that era of Prohibition and the Scopes “Monkey” trial, the latter fueled by a critique of experts and scientists (the 1920s also witnessed a rise in popularity of the Ku Klux Klan, an organization Rosenthal later mentions). As a historian, not a sociologist, I’d say his focus on the 1920s as the roots of Trumpocracy is spot on.
He also dissects the manner in which conspiracy theories help prop up Trumpocracy. Think here of Trump’s initial signature item — the charge against Obama of Birtherism. Here’s another root of Trumpocracy that has a history to it. Trump realized — maybe that’s giving him too much intelligence — that people can believe what they want to believe. In my own opinion, I think this is something that goes back to Ronald Reagan’s presidency (and Rosenthal does discuss the “Teflon” issue). Except that Reagan emphasized happy “dreams” while Trump talks up “carnage” (and at the time of this writing a depiction of Portland as a cesspool of “anarchism” and chaos, that’s really of his own making since he unleashed federal troops on protestors).
Rosenthal manages to keep his cool and discuss ideas objectively while uncovering some sickening fare.
Rosenthal’s portrayal of white nationalists organizing Charlottesville is both illuminating and should give any liberal reader of this book the creeps. The “thinking” of both Steve Bannon and Richard Spencer is more than just ugly, it’s dangerous. Rosenthal manages to keep his cool and discuss ideas objectively while uncovering some sickening fare (I was impressed by his ability to do this, because sometimes reading the words of Spencer made me want to throw up). Rosenthal’s linkage between the “alt right” (neo-fascist) and the Trump presidency are accurate and scary at once. At times the book reads — and this is a compliment — as Rosenthal opening the door to the brain waves of our president — a true cesspool of different, sometimes conflicting, views on the world and emotional dispositions free from facts.
Twitter, from Rosenthal’s perspective, is the “tool” that cements Trump’s power. For sure, the medium of Twitter — impulsive and spasmodic — fits Trump’s presidency hand in glove.
And I have to say that Rosenthal’s analysis of Twitter and Trumpocracy is simply brilliant. I’ll admit to being a hater of twitter. I remember when it first emerged and the novelist and social critic Jonathan Franzen called it “stupid.” I nodded at the statement, knowing that Franzen would be attacked as a Luddite (and yep, that happened). Twitter, from Rosenthal’s perspective, is the “tool” that cements Trump’s power. For sure, the medium of Twitter — impulsive and spasmodic — fits Trump’s presidency hand in glove. There’s a longer history here that includes FDR’s “fireside chats,” Nixon’s attack on the press, and Reagan’s cutting as many press conferences as he could. Still, the use of Twitter is obviously the best way for Trump to go around “mainstream” news outlets. It’s part of his wider desire to destroy more objective news outlets.
I won’t go into any more details you can find in this book. Because I think you should read it for yourself. Be warned, though, there are some creepy things in this book that will potentially make you squirm (it did for me). But that’s what is needed in this day and age of breakneck history and the wildest presidency America has faced.
Kevin Mattson teaches American history at Ohio University and is the author of numerous books that explore the intersection between culture and politics, including We’re Not Here to Entertain: Punk Rock, Ronald Reagan, and the Real Culture War of the 1980s.
