The Paris of the Middle East: An Annotated Bibliography
Growing up outside of one’s country of origin is an experience that cannot be quantified into words. With this in mind, I decided to take my research on my family history in a direction that would thus help explain my routes, and why exactly I am here writing this today. I consider myself privileged, as growing up in Lebanon would definitely not have provided me the opportunities that I have been given here in the United States. Lebanon is a country full of history that is worth discovering, and I want this project to serve as a way for readers to view life from a new perspective. Understanding the history behind the home my mother grew up in would also help prepare me for my interview as well.
The focus of this research is on the civil war in Lebanon in the late 20th century, and the connections that I have with Lebanon’s history. The best part about being able to do research on Lebanese history at this point in time is that we are experiencing its history as it is being written. The story of Lebanon is far from complete, and in order to complete the puzzle, we don’t need to know the pieces in our hands or where they might go; all we need is the bigger picture.
1. McDowall, David. Lebanon, a Conflict of Minorities. London: Minority Rights Group, 1983. Print.
In this book, McDowall aims to address the fundamental issue that lies in the heart and foundation of Lebanese history: its conflict among minorities. McDowall states that “There is not a single resident in Lebanon who cannot, in one sense or another, truthfully claim to belong to a minority” (McDowall 7), which adds perspective to the argument McDowall tries to make throughout the book, which is that international media’s interpreted portrayal of Lebanon can be crude and dangerously misleading, but repeated time and time again, which adds fuel to the fire that never burns out. According to McDowall, “civil conflict feeds on internal divisions, while other things such as non-Lebanese ingredients, Syrian, Israeli, and Palestinian armed presence and the interference of the two superpowers seem to exacerbate the conflict that already exists” (McDowall 7). The main minority groups that make up Lebanon include: Armenians, Druzes, Greek Catholics, Maronites, Orthodox, Sunnis, Shi’ites, Palestinians, Syrians, and Kurds.
Additionally, McDowall seems to focus on a concept in Lebanon known as “the bonds of loyalty”, which fall under three categories: kinship, religious identity, and the immigrant communities. Kinship remains the strongest of the three, and dominates daily life in the social, economic, and political spheres as well as dictates wealth, education, and social status. Religious identity follows closely with kinship in that religion is a crucial and integral part of Lebanese society. Although Lebanon is dominated mostly by Muslims (and can be divided even further from there between the Sunnis, Shi’ites, and Druzes), there is a considerable amount of Christians and Jews as well. Immigrant communities play an important role in the recent history of Lebanon since 1920, and consist of the Armenians, the Palestinians, and the Syrians (tagged alongside the Kurdish). These groups are identified by their immigrant identity even though they may predominately be one religion or another. McDowall then continues to describe the impact of the west on the nationalism of Lebanon. There have been conflicting viewpoints on how the citizens of Lebanon should view themselves nationally: Arab, Christian, or Lebanese? Although some rallied for a Muslim revival, which would inevitably divide the Arab society, the Muslims and the Christians found common ground in that they very much felt themselves as part of an Arab and Islamic-Byzantine culture. Another point of interest was Lebanese political life leading up to the civil war in 1975. Political activity was basically summed up as one of shifting alliances and coalitions between different groups, which ultimately “prevented Lebanon from enjoying the strong government it needed in order to deal with the deepening economic and social problems of the country” (McDowall 12). In addition to the political shifts was a booming economy in the sixties. There was no doubt that Lebanon was the most prosperous nation in the Middle East in this period of time, being the West’s main gateway to the Arab world and beyond, both in terms of politics and trade, and Beirut was the embodiment of the success from Lebanon’s commercial services. Lastly, McDowall does briefly touch on the origins of the Lebanese civil war (1975–77) and its consequences, but, as quoted directly by McDowall himself, “The events of the Civil War are well recorded elsewhere” (McDowall 14).
2. Harris, William W. Lebanon: A History, 600–2011. New York: Oxford UP, 2012. Print.
“I see a cat giving birth to a mouse, a tiger, a squirrel, a snake, and a kitten — all from the same womb. I wake up terrified: How are they going to live together? But, then, why should they live together?” (Harris 3).
William Harris, the author of Lebanon: A History, 600–2011, aims to explore the problems of cohesion in what we see today as modern Lebanon, by tracing its roots up to its creation in 1920. Harris believes that sectarian communities have been the central cause to the problems that still exist in modern day Lebanon. The cohesion that sprouted around the 1960s began to devolve into warfare and crisis in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. With the country under conditions of state breakdown and external interference by neighboring countries such as Syria and Iran, the Lebanese people share a fate, with certainty, that most of them will not live a decent life if something is not done to restore the unity that once was in the country.
The first section of the book discusses some of Lebanon’s (or what would have been Lebanon back then) history before the 1300s, which details of how Lebanon came to be one of the most religiously diverse Arab nations in the Middle East. Following the early years, Harris then transitions into the early 20th century and the foundations of Lebanon’s political structure. Religious communities structured the Lebanese pluralism system which was termed “confessional democracy”, and thus, the representation by a sectarian community was essentially the precedent for “the communal carve-up of parliament, administration, and government in modern Lebanon after 1920” (Harris 19). Religious pluralism often entails the harmonious co-existence of multiple religious belief systems in society, and is very prevalent in the structure of Lebanese politics. There were good sides and bad sides to this condition in early Lebanese politics; the good side of it was the fact that representation of different groups was guaranteed in decision making, which not many Arabic have implemented in their political system; the bad side of it was that communal shares reinforced sectarian identity at the expense of commitment to the country. This idea of “confessional democracy” has been implemented in Lebanese politics since, and has resulted in things such as pluralism in power, popular representation through communal quotas, free electoral competition, and orderly changes of government following elections. Additionally, Lebanon is one of the few countries in the Middle East to have a democracy, alongside other benefits such as women’s suffrage (1952), full rights for women to undertake commercial activity (1992), and other fundamental rights that come with a democracy.
Around the year 1975, when the civil war broke out, Lebanon experienced one of its largest waves of emigration, peaking at around 800,000 by the year 1990. Among these immigrants were a huge chunk of Lebanon’s skilled and professional population, which had drastic effects on the Lebanese workforce and economy. Since the outbreak of the civil war, Lebanon, especially in the city of Beirut, Lebanon has experienced multiple stresses, been on the verge of collapse, and found themselves amid various wars between various countries, and still struggles to this day to achieve a sense of peace and unity as a nation.
3. Rabinovich, Itamar, and Itamar Rabinovich. The War for Lebanon, 1970–1985. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1985. Print.
The war for Lebanon can be described simply as “a conflict of domestic and external forces seeking to shape and control the Lebanese entity” (Rabinovich 9). As so, the title of this book may seem misleading, due to the fact that Lebanon has experienced war long before 1970, and has not ended to this day. The reason the title of this book hones in on this specific period of time (1970–1985) is because these years are a significant phase in Lebanon’s (and its surroundings’), history. This fifteen-year period can be broken up into four distinct stages: the collapse of the Lebanese political system from 1970–1975; the civil war of 1975–1976; the crisis years of 1976–1982, and the war of 1982. The post-war is the current stage in Lebanon’s history of war, and is still going on to this day.
This time period in Lebanon’s history is especially crucial due to the repercussions that occurred with actors outside of the central conflict in Lebanon. For example, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has been on the brink of collapse from conflict with Syria during the war for Lebanon. Syria, on the other hand, was but a marginal actor in the Lebanese crisis, which, in turn, resulted in the crisis falling lower on the country’s list of priorities.
The country of Lebanon is an evolving state: from historic Lebanon to post-World War II independent Lebanon, and now a conflicted, non-unified region, unsure of its own identity as a nation. Keeping this in mind, it is hard to tell what Lebanon’s future holds, but one thing is for certain: if nothing is done to bring the nation together as a whole, the nation will continue to struggle together as a whole. In order to do so, it is necessary to trace the Lebanese entity, and thus being able to distinguish between its territory, its population, and its political system, which all seem to be mixed all together in one big mess. Separating these three things is essential in discovering Lebanon’s true identity as a nation, which will lead us one step closer towards reaching an ultimatum in resolving the conflict throughout the nation.
The civil war was, in very basic terms, a war between its own people, so therefore, a solution may only lie in the same place as where the problem began: the people of Lebanon. The Lebanese people must work together and cooperate if they wish to reach a common goal of peace and satisfaction in a nation as blessed as the country of Lebanon.
4. Haddad, Nouhad. “Li Beirut”. EMI Arabia, 2000. CD.
“A greeting from my heart to Beirut
kisses to the sea and to the houses
to a rock, which is like an old sailor’s face
She is made from the people’s soul..from wine
She is from his sweat…a bread and Jasmins
So how does her taste become? A taste of fire and smoke
Beirut has a glory of ashes
My city has turned out her lamp
By a child’s blood, who was over her hand
She has shut her door, and became alone in the sky
Alone with the night
You are mine, you are mine
Ah Hug me you are mine
You are my flag, tomorrow stone
And a travel’s waves
My people’s wounds have flourished
And mothers tear
You are mine, you are mine
Ah Hug me”
This famous song by the legendary “Fairuz”, an extremely popular Lebanese singer during the 20th century, was one that my mom (and dad) listened to very often during their childhood. This song is symbolic of Lebanon’s struggle, not just as a country, but as a society as well. Lebanon was once a country of peace and prosperity, the “Sunshine City”; now, Lebanon has become a “taste of fire and smoke”, and she “has turned out her lamp”.
The song begins by Fairuz greeting Beirut from the bottom of her heart, and sending kisses to the sea. She also compares the famous rock in Beirut to the face of an old sailor. In the next stanza, Fairuz continues to explain that this city is the soul of the people, and asks why the invaders would do such a thing to Beirut. From the line, “She is from his sweat…a bread and Jasmins”, this can be interpreted in that the Lebanese people worked tirelessly to build the city, and what they got in return was a city of fire and smoke. This can be witnessed by the mortals, the rockets, and the gunshots constantly seen and heard all throughout the city.
The third stanza, arguably the most powerful stanza, talks about how Beirut came to glory from the ashes, and got back up on its feet. Beirut was remade from the blood of sons that was held in her arms (children were often shot and killed on the streets). During the war, the city “turned off her lamp”, and shut its door, alone in the night. This basically means that nobody came to Beirut, everyone stayed in their homes, days were full of night skies, and nobody was there to help Beirut. Even electricity and water became scarce, something my mom very vividly remembers during her time in the Lebanese civil war.
The final stanza is a means of uniting the people of Lebanon together with words of strength. Even though a lot of people have tried to invade Beirut, Beirut still belongs to the Lebanese people, and not to anyone else. Using the line, “My people’s wounds have flourished”, it elicits to the many people who have been wounded during the war. Fairuz believes that those who suffered the most were the mothers. They lost their kids during the war from the rockets and the crossfire. Their houses were destroyed. Their city was left in ruins. The tears of the mothers also helped Lebanon get back on its feet, as a result. Fairuz finally concludes the song with words of comfort: “You are mine, Beirut. Oh, hold me”.
This song was released after the civil war technically ended, in hopes of uniting the people of Lebanon together once again. Using symbols of Lebanon’s history, such as the “Raouché” (a famous rock on Lebanon’s sea coast), the waves of the oceans, the Lebanese flag, and the houses that lie in the heart of Beirut, Fairuz was able to establish an emotional connection to some the things that the people cherished about the country. The impact of this song on the future of Lebanon is quite significant, as it created the revival of a country that was once considered the “diamond of the Middle East”.
5. Collings, Deirdre. Peace for Lebanon?: From War to Reconstruction. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1994. Print.
“By acknowledging many of Lebanon’s longstanding problems, the accord created the expectation that at least some would be constructively addressed. To date, however, there has been little improvement in Lebanon’s longstanding and overlapping political, socioeconomic, and regional predicaments. Unraveling this tangle is no easy task.” (Collings 2).
In August 1990, a peace plan for Lebanon — the Ta’if Accord — was set in motion. Immediately following the accord, Lebanon was categorized under “the absence of war”, and from this cessation, it was assumed that Lebanon’s conflicts were moderately resolved. This, however, can’t be further from the truth. Although it did reestablish a newfound security in a majority of the country, the notion that the accord had promoted an era of long-term, self-sustaining peace in Lebanon is very debatable. Most agree that the war itself did not resolve the divisive issues that brought up the war in the first place, nor were they resolved following the negotiations in the Ta’if. It should be noted, however, that the Ta’if does address many major issues in Lebanon’s past and future, so it did have its merit.
The purpose of this book is to look at the events following the conclusion of the Lebanese civil war, some of the principle conflicts that lead to Lebanon’s long-term destabilization, and the repercussions that occurred as a result of the war and the violent eruptions that continue to surface, even to this day. Some of the conflicts that occurred beginning in the late 1970s were domestic disagreements over Lebanon’s identity and role in the region, the sectarian-based power-sharing arrangements in the political system, widespread domestic socioeconomic discontent, and continuous mounting pressures brought upon by other external factors, such as the Palestinians and Israel. The central point of disagreement between different members of Lebanon’s political establishment briefly after the civil war centered on this important question: is Lebanon an Arab nation? A final note that should be added about the continuing Lebanese conflict is the fact that this conflict and overall disconnect is not merely between Muslims and Christians, but an array of religions and minority groups, which complicates the issue that we see today to a whole new level.
6. Alin, Erika G. The United States and the 1958 Lebanon Crisis: American Intervention in the Middle East. Lanham: U of America, 1994. Print.
“In deploying troops to Lebanon, the United States demonstrated for the first time in the history of post-World War II U.S.-Middle East relations that it would intervene directly with military force in the Middle East if it perceived its vital interests to be threatened by developments in that part of the world.” (Alin 1).
In the past century, the United States has been coined the term “global police”, in that it intervenes should there be any sort of conflict that arises in the rest of the world. The reason why I chose this book in my list of sources to research is that it provides insight into the United States’ role in the Middle East and its relationship with Lebanon prior to the breakout of the Lebanese war in the 1970s. The involvement of the U.S. is actually a key aspect of my family’s history, since my parents actually immigrated to the U.S. from Lebanon after the civil war broke out, so it is important to understand U.S. relations with Lebanon at that period of time.
U.S. military forces came to Lebanon in the summer of 1958 to help resolve a political crisis in the country. This is the first time the U.S. has gotten involved in Lebanon (or the Middle East, for that matter) before the civil war breakout, after which in 1982 and 1983 during the Reagan administration, the American forces became indirectly involved as partisans during the civil war. In the book, there are three basic conclusions that can be drawn from the 1958 intervention. First, the intervention can only be understood by the perspective of the officials during that time period in the 1950s, in the context of broader developments in the Middle East, the Arab nationalist movement, and the building of Soviet relations with countries in the area. Second, this immediate cause of this decision was because of the overthrow of the pro-Western government of Iraq on July 14, 1958. Third, the primary objective of this intervention was to demonstrate the commitment of the U.S. to defending its allies in times of need, and in this case, it was a request for assistance from Lebanon’s pro-Western government. Looking at the bigger picture, this intervention was actually a “consequence of the escalating Cold War and the heightened U.S.-Soviet competition for political influence and military access in the area.” (Alin 3). So, in the long term, this intervention was a way for the U.S. to get its foot in the door and counteract the expansion of Soviet relations with Arab states. So, although it may have been mostly about politics, it did allow the U.S. to build good relations with Lebanon in the future, as evident from the U.S. involvement post-civil war and assistance with fighting against Hezbollah and other external forces in modern day Lebanon.
7. Cobban, Helena. The Making of Modern Lebanon. London: Hutchinson, 1985. Print.
“Lebanon: the name means ‘milky-white’ — apparently in reference to the snowy caps which grace the country’s mountain peaks for more than half the year. How apt that the country should take its name from an attribute of these peaks! For it is the steeply soaring uplands of Lebanon which have, throughout history, provided that refuge for the heterodox which is the very basis of ‘Lebanon’.” (Cobban 9).
The past few decades have been a time of chronic personal trauma for most Lebanese, a time of deep social and political upheaval, and a time of mass violence. Thousands of Lebanese lives were lost to their fellow citizens, not including those who also died at the hands of the Israelis, the Syrians, Palestinians, or other outside groups. One interesting fact to note is that through all of this violence and conflict, Lebanese Parliament was able to hold presidential elections in full abidance to the constitution, and there were no serious challenges to the liberal democratic constitution which it has been governed under since 1926.
There is one thing that can be said with certainty about Lebanon’s future developments, and that is that they will not occur in any sort of “regional vacuum”; the country will continue to be affected by broader ‘currents’ in the East Mediterranean region that come and go. The question is, will these so-called currents prevent the Lebanese from reaching any internal reconciliation? Another thing that is predicted based on recent events is that the U.S. is not very likely to play much of a role inside Lebanon in the years following 1984. Due to the harsh lesson that the U.S. unfortunately learned from getting involved between 1982 and 1984, the USA can be expected to remain in the back seat when it comes to Lebanese affairs, at least for a reasonable period of time. As a result, Lebanon, Israel and Syria will be left largely on their own to deal with each other in what some call the ‘Lebanese bear hug’.
The making of modern-day Lebanon is a complicated and laborious one, and likely not the final product that we will get. The city of Beirut was once the towering commercial center: it dominated the whole country with its cultural openness, cosmopolitan atmosphere, renowned restaurants, stunning art shows, and spectrum of publishing ventures. Now, Beirut has been overshadowed by the more vigorous forces of the suburbs and the Mountain. Questions are in the air on whether Lebanon will continue to be a democracy, or if it will eventually convert to the ancient za’’im system. Will the inter-sect system be expected to survive? What if there is another Middle East war, or the Iranians successfully take over the Gulf? We are currently living in the making of what will be the history of a fully developed and peaceful Lebanon.
8. Rabil, Robert G. Religion, National Identity, and Confessional Politics in Lebanon: The Challenge of Islamism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. Print.
“We are all Lebanese…There is no majority in modern Lebanon: we are a country of minorities. There is neither a political majority, nor an economic majority, still less a social majority. Religious affiliation has been the primary factor of individual identity, and most Lebanese today agree that the political system we developed was too rigid, drawing confessional lines around many problems that otherwise had no sectarian significance. Despite the importance of religion in Lebanese…society, we know, and always have known that our identity is with Lebanon. There is no Christian Lebanon, no Muslim Lebanon…There is but one Lebanon.” (Rabil 2).
A conclusion made by the author that peaked my interest was the notion that whether a Lebanese individual states whether he/she is a Christian or Muslim not only determines canonical and theological beliefs, but also social beliefs, practices, and values associated with the various religious communities. Additionally, depending on their religious affiliation, a preferred identity, determined by a “cultivated affinity” with the Arab or Western World, is also predisposed as a result. So, to put it into basic terms, Lebanese citizens commonly fall under this category of “multiple” identity status, simply due to the religion they believe in or minority group they belong to.
The author also spends a great deal of time discussing Islamism, and what the future holds for it. The topic of Islamism is one that is sensitive for some, and many are unsure of how its perception will change as time passes. Once a primarily Christian state that has experienced the irrevocable extent of change brought upon by Islamism, there is no saying what direction Lebanon will go in terms of, as best stated in the author’s words, “stability and national coexistence a politically and ideologically convulsed ‘land’ and region.” (Rabil 152).
9. You Don’t Mess with the Zohan. Dir. Dennis Dugan. Prod. Adam Sandler. By Adam Sandler. Perf. Adam Sandler. Columbia Pictures, 2008. DVD.
Pondering on the many possibilities for sources I could use for my project, I suddenly remembered a classic movie that I had watched countless times with my family and friends: You Don’t Mess with the Zohan. To give a general oversight of what the movie is mainly about, here is a short synopsis from IMDb.com: “Tired of all the fighting in his country, legendary Israeli commando Zohan (Adam Sandler) fakes his own death and goes to New York, where he can fulfill his fondest dream: to become a hairstylist. Zohan’s sexy way with a cut and curl makes him a hit with Manhattan’s women, but when enemy Arabs spot him, Zohan has to call on his military skills if he is ever to wield scissors again.” Now, this may seem silly at first to choose a movie like this in my research on family history, but there are many parallels that can be made between the two. The most straightforward one would likely be the fact that Zohan, the main protagonist, “leaves” his own country due to all the violence and fighting to go pursue his dreams in America and live a happy and successful life, similar to how my father (and mother) were also tired of the fighting in Lebanon and decided to move to the United States and pursue a better future for their family. The idea that I took away from this is that this was happening very frequently during that time period, and still happens to this day: individuals will leave their unstable/violent country in order to pursue a better life somewhere else, typically the United States of America.
I remember my best friends and I watching this movie over and over again, memorizing the funniest lines and saying them to each other. It was something that I would never forget, and every now and then we look back and laugh about the good times we had with this movie. Today, I ask myself, why did I enjoy that movie so much? What made this movie better than all the other hilarious and entertaining movies out there? The answer to these questions is very simple: we were able to relate our lives to the movie. The movie may not be the most accurate depiction of what we experience on a day to day basis, but it certainly does a decent job at getting the general idea across of how Middle Eastern people live their lives on a typical day to day basis (along with the extraneous movie fluff for viewer entertainment, of course.). Although this movie is not intended to be the most serious movie ever made, it does represent, in a way, the struggles that many immigrants have gone through in their lives to be able to pass down the “family torch”, per say, and keep the fire burning in their family.
10. Donadio, Rachel. “Beirut’s Art Scene Stirs Amid Tumult.” The New York Times 26 Oct 2015: C1. Web. 27 Oct. 2015.
“How the city can contain such contradictions is a testament to its vivacity, history of surviving sectarian conflicts and long-established art scene.” (Donadio 1). The city of Beirut was, and is still is, known for its rich cultural ecosystem, and the opening of this contemporary art museum is only confirming Beirut’s place on the international art and fashion map. Donadio, the author of this article, best describes the implications of this revival with this statement: “The creative ferment is happening even as unrest in the region and domestic political instability have ground the economy and tourism to a near halt and threaten to embroil Lebanon in new conflicts.” (Donadio 1). Things like this that have started to happen as of lately are nothing short of spectacular for Lebanon in the sense that it provides a sense of hope for the nation’s future. Many see this as a form of defiance against a rather troubling political situation, when you have issues such as the arrival of over 1.5 million Syrian refugees into a country with a population of approximately 4 million people. Due to Syria’s civil war, the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, over half of Syria’s population (around 11 million) have either been killed or forced to flee the country. As a result, a large number of Syrian refugees have relocated to Lebanon.
My family and I always talk of visiting Lebanon together in the future, praying that the problems that face Lebanon will be resolved, but instead we suffer year after year of disappointment. There were times where we questioned whether we would even visit Lebanon ever again. However, news like this caused a boost in optimism in Lebanon’s future, since it does show signs of improvement even amidst violence and political uproar. A few weeks back, my dad even promised me that we might actually travel to Lebanon next summer. After many decades of rain, the clouds are starting to move away, and the sunshine is finally breaking through.
11. Hubbard, Ben. Lebanese Seethe as Stinking Garbage Piles Grow in Beirut and Beyond. The New York Times 27 Jul 2015: A4. Web. 31 Oct. 2015.
“Lebanon is suffering from a spreading garbage crisis that has left huge mounds of trash piling up across Beirut and elsewhere. Many Lebanese see it as a new, more pungent manifestation of the country’s often impotent politics” (Hubbard 1). With issues as trivial as garbage clean-up unable to be solved, it is no wonder the Lebanese government is as dysfunctional as it currently is. As a matter of fact, due to the political divisions in the country, Lebanon has not been able to elect a new president for over 14 months, which is outrageous to many citizens and alike.
Since the conclusion of the Lebanese civil war in 1990, various sectarian political parties have tried to govern the country through consensus, which has proven to be quite unsuccessful in the past decade. When even the most basic demands of the population cannot be met, and the government breaks one promise after another, the people have started to protest and have their voice heard. Even the leader of the militant group Hezbollah has spoken on this matter, calling it “a massive failure of government”, and that he was “ashamed to talk about such issues”. Although the issue is but one of many other problems (clean water, electricity, safety of living, etc.), it embodies the state of a broken government that is struggling to find its standing in our modern day world.
12. Yahia, Najat, et al. “Eating habits and obesity among Lebanese university students.” Nutr J 7.32 (2008): 1–6.
It may come as no surprise that America is not the only place in the world that has been experiencing an upwards trend of overweight/obesity rates over the past decade. It just so happens to be that Lebanon has also recently been experiencing it’s own “nutritional transition in food choices” from the typical Mediterranean diet into the western fast food style. The purpose of this study is to assess the prevalence of these issues from a sample of students from the Lebanese American University as well as examine their eating habits. After the study was done, the results showed that “the majority of students (64.7%) were of normal weight (49% male students compared to 76.8% female students). The prevalence of overweight and obesity was more common among male students compared to females (37.5% and 12.5% vs. 13.6% and 3.2%, respectively). In contrast, 6.4% female students were underweight as compared to 1% males.” (Yahia et al, 3). Although it was concluded that there is an overall low prevalence of overweight and obesity in the studied sample, the results do suggest that the students would benefit from a nutrition and health promotion program to help decrease overweight/obesity rates as well as improve students’ eating habits.
The reason why I chose to include this research article in my annotated bibliography is simply due to the prevalence of this issue all throughout my life and how I was able to experience the transition from mediterranean diet to fast food through my own eyes. When I was younger, I most certainly was accommodated to eating our typical home-cooked, Lebanese meals. As long as I had my tabouleh (type of salad), kibbeh (stuffed cooked meat), kafta (fingers of minced meat), falafel (deep-fried, highly spiced ground chickpeas), and hummus (dip or spread made of blended chickpeas), I was a happy boy. After growing up, I’ve started to notice the transition that our family was making to more americanized and even occasionally fast-food meals, and this is when I began to notice the change in my weight and overall health. Eventually, I had become over twenty pounds over my recommended weight, and this was very unusual for someone like me. If anyone were to look at a picture of my dad when he was twenty, and then look at a picture of him when he was 35 or 40, you would notice a drastic difference in his appearance and weight. Not only is the “fast-food” American norm diet becoming more and more popular nationally, but internationally as well. Even a place that was once one of the healthiest places to eat, the home of the Mediterranean diet, has started to become more overweight/obese.
