The Relocation of Confederate Monuments in Modern-Day Richmond
When dedicating a statue of Confederate general Robert E. Lee in 1890, Virginian Archer Anderson praised its presence as “a memorial of personal honor that never booked a stain” in addition to “a perpetual protest against whatever is low in sordid in our public and private objects” (Anderson). I grew up fascinated by this 12-ton bronze spectacle whose towering presence commanded your respect, not understanding that it honored a much darker cause than deserves credit. Anderson’s words of admiration for the statue’s greatness and honor read rather absurdly today when it now exists in pieces, but his perspective reflects how our society has always had difficulties separating itself from our oppressive Confederate memory. Fortunately, much of society now recognizes the dangers of Confederate symbols and has organized to remove them in the age of Black Lives Matter and supremacist attacks. However, the removal of these monuments proposes a new question: “How do we treat their remnants to best guide our societal narrative on race?” For guidance, we can ultimately look towards Germany who fully acknowledges their wrongdoings and solely honors the victims of its atrocities (Neiman). While the continued presence of Confederate symbols retains some dangers, Richmond should ultimately place its Confederate monuments in unfiltered museums that detail our oppressive actions in order to progress our reparative process and advance our societal narrative on racism.
The Confederate States of America was officially established in February 1861 by the six southern states of Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, and South Carolina (Eaton 27). Under the leadership of President Abraham Lincoln, the South feared for “the safety of the institution of slavery” (Eaton 31). Southerners “realized the danger to their way of life,” fearing “not only the loss of valuable property, but the social consequences of liberating the Negro in districts where black people outnumbered the whites” (Eaton 31). Angry with Lincoln’s promises to execute federal law and hold federal property in the seceded states, the first shots of the Civil War occurred on April 12, 1861, when Confederate troops bombarded the federally-held Fort Sumter (Eaton 37). In the beginning months of the Confederacy’s existence, the state of Virginia remained neutral as the majority of Virginians “believed in the right of succession” but “doubted the expediency of exercising that right” (Eaton 39). However, when Lincoln called upon Virginia to dedicate troops to coerce the seceded states, popular opinion turned against him as citizens refused to take arms against the rest of the South (Eaton 40). A “People’s Convention” in Richmond then voted to pass a succession ordinance and formally join the Confederacy (Eaton 40). While the initial Confederate capital was located in Montgomery, Alabama, Richmond was chosen to be the new capital because “Richmond was the Confederacy’s most industrial city and Virginia was the largest Confederate state” (DeCredico).
In honoring Virginia’s Confederate cause, citizens erected monuments in Richmond and throughout the state, but these statues carried strong racial messages that aligned with the Confederacy’s oppressive actions. According to data from 2019, Virginia was home to a total of “110 Confederate monuments,” 13 of which were in Richmond (Shivaram and Stewart). The most well-known of these monuments included the five that once lined Richmond’s Monument Avenue, depicting Confederate leaders J.E.B. Stuart, Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Matthew Maury, and most notably, General Robert E. Lee. The general’s monument was constructed in 1890 when the governor and Lee’s nephew, “made erecting a monument to his uncle a priority, in order to keep the fires of Confederate memory kindled” (Lawler). The fact that this Confederate monument, and many others, were erected decades after the Civil War reveals how their true intent was not simply for the remembrance of deceased soldiers. In fact, the erection of monuments on Monument Avenue lead to the neighborhood becoming “the city’s most fashionable boulevard” with the statues “surrounded by the homes of Richmond’s white elite” (James-Chakraborty). These families historically gained from the practice of slavery, and their respect for these Confederate leaders demonstrated their sense of connection with the Confederacy’s immoral and oppressive past.
In the present day, these monuments have had a significant impact on our societal progression through the ways that they promote systematic oppression and hinder the advancement of African American rights. This relationship was made notably apparent through the death of George Floyd. In the appalling video that resonated with citizens around the globe, a white police officer is shown “pinning Floyd to the ground with a knee on the back of Floyd’s neck” while he repeats the phrase, “I can’t breathe” (Deliso). George Floyd’s inhumane treatment illuminated the fact that systematic racism is very much alive in present-day America, and the Confederate memory that lives on through symbols around the nation evidently hinders our progress. A 2020 study of the impacts of Confederate monuments found that “a state’s decision to protect Confederate monuments causes Black state residents to feel a weaker sense of belonging, while having no effect on Whites” (Britt et al.). The researchers also stated that “the strongest support for Confederate symbols comes from Whites with negative attitudes towards Blacks” (Britt et al.). We can conclude that Confederate monuments work to impede African American advancement by both making them feel outcasted from their communities and serving as rallying signs for citizens with racist sentiments.
As a result of the death of George Floyd and the continuation of systematic oppression in society, the United States and Europe have begun experiencing a global reckoning with racism that illuminates both historical atrocities and present-day inequality. Here in the United States, we have seen real legislative change as “states have passed over 140 police oversight bills” that protect African Americans from police brutality by “increasing accountability and overhauling rules on the use of force” (Eder). In Los Angeles County, the recently passed Measure J “commits at least 10 percent of the county’s general fund budget to services that address the impacts of systemic racism” (Turner). Similarly, the Black Lives Matter movement also gained momentum in Europe, raising issues regarding their own systematic discrimination and colonial past (Hurst). The European Union appointed their first anti-racism coordinator, Michaela Moua, whose role is to implement policies that improve “law enforcement, security from extremists, and greater equality” (Hurst). This demonstrates how the issue of systematic racism is ultimately a global issue that many nations struggle with. The fact that the Euro-American world is enduring a particularly difficult period of change reveals how white societies have historically committed more wrongdoings against other races and societies, so they must spend more time reflecting on how they can restructure their systems and mindsets.
Following the success of these national and global anti-racist movements, many of the lasting Confederate monuments have either already been removed or are being targeted for removal due to their role in maintaining systematic inequality. In 2020, “Virginia got rid of 71 Confederate symbols” which “led southern states and the rest of the nation” (North). While many of these statues were removed by local governments, others have been forcibly brought down by protesters desiring a more immediate path to societal change (Allam). Regardless, any removal of Confederate monuments from their pedestals is justified by their racist messaging, so our communities are moving in the right direction in the age of “Black Lives Matter” by beginning to displace these centuries-old symbols of inequality.
Now that the statues honoring the Confederacy’s dark history are being removed from their pedestals, a highly debated question has arisen: “What should we do with the remains of these offensive monuments?” On one side, many believe that we must simply destroy these statues in order to eliminate their dangerous presence. Keisha Blain of the Washington Post argues that Confederate symbols are simply too detrimental to keep in our modern society. She emphasizes their role in promoting “white supremacist ideas” and functioning as a “balm for white supremacists who long to return to a period when Americans regarded black people as property” (Blain). This connection between Confederate symbols and white supremacy becomes more significant after recent supremacist violence. In 2017, the Unite the Right rally in nearby Charlottesville, Virginia was dominated by white supremacists bearing Confederate flags, and its discourse resulted in one death and several injuries (Katz). While displacing these symbols is important, however, eliminating any remnants of the Confederacy will not end all feelings of white supremacy. Rather, these statues have a greater role to play in educating our citizens of the Confederacy’s immoral history and beliefs.
In contrast to the argument of destroying monuments, many believe that we should instead place them in museums for preservation. This would allow us to learn from the historical context under which they were created and preserve them for future generations. Holland Cotter of the New York Times argues that “when you find yourself at a crime scene, you don’t destroy evidence” (Cotter). Instead of disposing of these historical artifacts, he believes that we should place them in museums “where they can be presented as the propaganda they are” (Cotter). Cotter’s assertion that we “shouldn’t destroy evidence” is perfectly justified as erasing our history would allow us to more easily repeat past mistakes. However, the downside of preserving these symbols is that they can still be presented in a “neutral” context that fails to share the total truths of the Confederacy’s actions. Cotter acknowledges that museums “will have to relinquish their pretense of ideological neutrality” and “become truth-telling institutions” (Cotter). Creating such exhibits nationally will be difficult, but looking abroad shows us how doing so can be done successfully and beneficially.
When navigating our own reparative process, it is useful to examine other nations that have endured similar periods. Globally, another nation that has historically and notably committed immoral wrongdoings is Germany. The Nazi government, led by Adolf Hitler, oversaw the murder of “nearly six million European Jews” during the Holocaust (Smilde). The causes for this genocide root from “age-old hostility towards Jews, modern racism, and nationalism” (Smilde). Many of the Nazi ideals regarding cultural and racial superiority parallel Confederate views here in the United States. However, Germany has done a much better job of altering its societal narrative by acknowledging and paying for its wrongdoings, seeing little resurgence of Nazism in the present day. While we still have Confederate monuments lining our streets, “Germany has no monuments that celebrate the Nazi armed forces,” instead featuring a “dizzying number and variety of monuments to the victims of its murderous racism” (Neiman). When referencing the terrible actions of Nazi Germany, present-day Germany does so through clear historical exhibits, such as the “Topography of Terror” in Berlin, that admit their dark actions with no filter (Meparishvili). This goal to educate our community can be effective, but our society still has changes to make before it can embrace these strategies.
While Richmond and the United States should strive to follow the German example by placing monuments in educational centers, many modern museums still lack the perspective necessary to productively reflect upon our Confederate history. Five writers for Smithsonian Magazine emphasize that “putting monuments in context is anything but a simple, declarative act” (Bryant et al.). Statues remain “powerful” and “physically imposing” structures that “will keep speaking even when they are in new settings,” meaning that they can still impact social perceptions in unanticipated ways (Bryant et al.). Before making Confederate exhibits, museums need to effectively contextualize both the features and impacts of these monuments, explaining the circumstances under which they were created and taken down. This requires the creation of “bottom-up” exhibits that are “de-centering white supremacist narratives, centering marginalized histories and social justice, modeling innovative approaches to inclusion and redefining the very idea of what constitutes memorials and monuments” (Bryant et al.). An example of a nearby “bottom-up” museum is the Pauli Murray Center in Durham, North Carolina. This historical site defines their mission as inspiring “visitors of all ages to stand up for peace, equity and justice” by “connecting history to contemporary human rights issues” (PMC). Creating powerful educational exhibits like these that are centered around the advancement of marginalized groups will contribute greatly to improving inequality in our society.
In conclusion, the displaced confederate monuments in Richmond ultimately belong in clear museum exhibits to educate both current and future generations of our historical wrongdoings. Confederate monuments were originally erected to glorify the oppression and enslavement of African American citizens. Today, these symbols make African Americans feel outcasted in their own communities and even serve as rallying signs for white supremacy. Following the death of George Floyd in 2020, nations around the world experienced a global reckoning with racism that particularly impacted Euro-American society. Citizens began to acknowledge the role that Confederate monuments played in anti-black sentiments, and these statues were removed both forcefully and legislatively throughout the nation. Now that these symbols of oppression are being removed, a greater debate has arisen regarding what should be done with their remnants. Rather than attempting to forget our dark past by destroying all artifacts of the Confederacy, I believe that we should use Confederate history to educate future generations. Similar to Germany’s recognition of their own historical atrocities, we should also display our monuments in clear historical exhibits that connect their purposes to current issues and provide historical context without neutrality. Overall, both Richmond and the United States have already made notable social progress in the age of Black Lives Matter, and I look forward to seeing how we can implement similar solutions to continue our reparative progression.
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — -
Works Cited
Allam, Zaheer, et al. “Rewriting City Narratives and Spirit: Post-Pandemic Urban Recovery Mechanisms in the Shadow of the Global ‘Black Lives Matter’ Movement.” ScienceDirect, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resglo.2021.100064.
Anderson, Archer. “Dedication of the Monument to General Robert E. Lee.” Lee Family Digital Archive, http://leefamilyarchive.org/reference/addresses/anderson/index.html.
Blain, Keisha N. “Destroying Confederate Monuments Isn’t ‘Erasing’ History.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 19 June 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/06/19/destroying-confederate-monuments-isnt-erasing-history-its-learning-it/.
Britt, Lucy, et al. “MEANINGS AND IMPACTS OF CONFEDERATE MONUMENTS IN THE U.S. SOUTH.” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, vol. 17, no. 1, 2020, pp. 105–123., doi:10.1017/S1742058X2000020X.
Bryant, Janeen, et al. “Are Museums the Right Home for Confederate Monuments?” Smithsonian.com, Smithsonian Institution, 7 May 2018, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/are-museums-right-home-confederate-monuments-180968969/.
Cotter, Holland. “We Need to Move, Not Destroy, Confederate Monuments.” The New YorkTimes, The New York Times, 20 Aug. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/20/arts/design/we-need-to-move-not-destroy-confederate-monuments.html.
DeCredico, Mary. “Richmond: Capital of the Confederacy.” Essential Civil War Curriculum, https://www.essentialcivilwarcurriculum.com/richmond-capital-of-the-confederacy.html.
Deliso, Meredith. “Timeline: The Impact of George Floyd’s Death in Minneapolis and Beyond.” ABC News, ABC News Network, 21 Apr. 2021, https://abcnews.go.com/US/timeline-impact-george-floyds-death-minneapolis/story?id=70999322.
Eaton, Clement. A History of the Southern Confederacy. Free Press U.a., 1990.
Eder, Steve, et al. “As New Police Reform Laws Sweep across the U.S., Some Ask: Are They Enough?” The New York Times, The New York Times, 18 Apr. 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/18/us/police-reform-bills.html.
Hurst, Luke. “George Floyd: A Year on, Did Europe’s Race Protests Change Anything?” Euronews, 24 May 2021, https://www.euronews.com/2021/05/24/george-floyd-murder-a-year-on-did-the-protests-it-inspired-in-europe-change-anything.
James-Chakraborty, Kathleen; Beyond the Confederacy: Who Remembers What When in Berlin and Richmond?. English Language Notes 1 October 2019; 57 (2): 160–167. doi: https://doi-org.libproxy1.usc.edu/10.1215/00138282-7716251
Katz, Andrew. “Charlottesville: ‘Unite the Right’ Rally, State of Emergency.” Time, Time, https://time.com/charlottesville-white-nationalist-rally-clashes/.
Lawler, Andrew. “The Origin Story of Monument Avenue, America’s Most Controversial Street.” History, National Geographic, 3 May 2021, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/origin-story-monument-avenue-america-most-controversial-street.
Meparishvili, Tinatin. “Dark Heritage and Its Interpretation: The Case of The Topography ofTerror.” HeriLand, 21 June 2021, https://www.heriland.eu/2021/06/21/dark-heritage-and-its-interpretation-the-case-of-the-topography-of-terror/.
Neiman, Susan. “There Are No Nostalgic Nazi Memorials.” The Atlantic, Atlantic Media Company, 16 Sept. 2019, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/09/germany-has-no-nazi-memorials/597937/.
North, Emma. “Virginia Removes Most Confederate Symbols Nationwide in 2020.” 8News, 8News, 2 Mar. 2021, https://www.wric.com/news/virginia-news/virginia-removes-most-confederate-symbols-nationwide/.
Pauli Murray Center “About the Center.” Pauli Murray Center, https://www.paulimurraycenter.com/about-the-center.
Smilde, Koen. “What Is the Holocaust?” Anne Frank Website, 15 June 2020, https://www.annefrank.org/en/anne-frank/go-in-depth/what-is-the-holocaust/.
Turner, Nicholas. “What Has Changed since George Floyd’s Death?” Vera Institute of Justice, 22 Apr. 2021, https://www.vera.org/blog/what-has-changed-since-george-floyds-death.
