Hall of Mirrors: Roger Stone, Wikileaks, and the Trump Campaign
This article covers Roger Stone’s mysterious prescience regarding Wikileaks, his potential connections to the organization, and Stone’s interactions with the Trump campaign. It is the eight article in a series about Roger Stone. While it is not necessary to read previous entries, it is recommended.
The first article covers Stone’s involvement in Watergate through to the Reagan campaign, which brought him into contact with Roy Cohn and Donald Trump.
The second article covers Stone’s work on the controversial 1981 New Jersey gubernatorial campaign and his lobbying for Trump in Atlantic City.
The third article covers Stone’s involvement in the 2000 election, his coordinating of Trump’s flirtation with running for President, and the “Brooks Brothers Riot.”
The fourth article covers Stone’s involvement in New York State gubernatorial politics from the years 2000–2010.
The fifth article covers Stone’s involvement in the local politics of Broward County, Florida, and his relationship with Ponzi schemer Scott Rothstein.
The sixth article covers the life of Stone’s friend and associate Michael Caputo, chronicling his lifelong proximity to global intelligence agencies.
The seventh article covers Stone’s early involvement with the Trump campaign, links with InfoWars, and the origins of “Stop the Steal.”
This article is an excerpt from my book, While We Slept: Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, and the Corruption of American Democracy, available here.
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Beginning in March of 2016, hackers with the GRU, Russian military intelligence, exfiltrated tens of thousands of emails from the Democratic National Committee and the Clinton Campaign, including from her campaign chairman John Podesta. The GRU passed the emails over to the anti-secrecy organization Wikileaks, led by Julian Assange.
By the Spring of 2016, before any public announcements were made by Assange regarding Clinton-related email releases, Roger Stone began informing the Trump campaign that Wikileaks would release materials damaging to Hillary’s campaign.
Several different scenarios could explain this.
- Stone could have been guessing and just got lucky.
- Stone could have learned from someone in, or affiliated with, Wikileaks, about the materials they possessed.
- Stone could have learned from a source unrelated to Wikileaks.
- Some combination of all of the above.
In the months and years that followed the 2016 election, numerous investigations attempted to determine how Stone came into possession of this knowledge. None succeeded. The definitive answer to the question remains elusive. This article lays out the evidence now available.
According to Trump campaign deputy chairman Rick Gates, as early as April 2016 Stone predicted that Wikileaks would release Democratic documents that would help the Trump campaign.
“Mr. Stone indicated that WikiLeaks would be submitting or dropping information but no information on dates or anything of that nature,” Gates later testified in court.
It is crucial to understand that the investigations into Stone and his activities during the 2016 election were obstructed. Stone was convicted of lying under oath to the House Intelligence Committee. He refused to cooperate with the Special Counsel’s Office and encouraged others not to as well. Stone was also convicted of witness tampering.
Throughout the experience, Trump dangled a pardon over Stone and praised him for not cooperating. Towards the end of his term, Trump pardoned Stone and William Barr’s Justice Department showed him special favor, causing Federal prosecutors on his case to resign in protest.
Roger Stone, Jerome Corsi, and Ted Malloch: The Maze of Stone’s Potential Wikileaks Intermediaries
Prior to the 2016 election, Roger Stone had met the conservative writer, conspiracist, and propagandist Jerome Corsi, who had masterminded the 2004 “swiftboating” of Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry and was an early progenitor of the birther lie that Barack Obama was born outside of the United States.
In mid-May, Corsi introduced Stone to a conservative American author and consultant living in the UK named Theodore Roosevelt Malloch. Corsi had been involved in the publication of Malloch’s memoir, which The Financial Times’ later found to be riddled with exaggerations and inaccuracies.
Malloch arrived in New York on May 15th, 2016, hoping to meet with Trump and his campaign chairman Paul Manafort. Malloch was friendly with a number pro-Brexit politicians with links to Julian Assange. He later came under scrutiny over whether he served as Stone and Corsi’s connection to Wikileaks.
Specifically, Malloch was close to Nigel Farage, the founder of the United Kingdom Independent Party and a prominent supporter of Brexit. In February of 2011, when a European Arrest Warrant had been issued against Assange regarding a sexual assault allegation in Sweden, the office of UKIP founding member and MEP Gerrard Batten emailed Assange’s lawyer Mark Stephens about “the possibility of meeting Mr Julian Assange.”
Farage and other UKIP leaders met with UKIP donors and denounced the European Arrest Warrant against Assange. Emails later leaked to Business Insider suggest that Farage spoke with Assange’s lawyer at the event.
Farage reportedly attended Assange’s 40th birthday party.
Ted Malloch wanted to play a policy role in the Trump campaign, so Corsi connected him with Stone. Corsi forwarded Stone a message from Malloch asking about the possibility of going to Trump Tower and meeting either Trump or Manafort.
“May meet Manafort,” Stone replied, “guarantee nothing.”
On either May 15th or 16th, 2016, Stone, Corsi and Malloch dined at the New York restaurant Strip House.
Stone has given conflicting accounts of their discussion, telling Business Insider they discussed “Brexit and globalism,” but that Julian Assange and Wikileaks were not brought up.
Stone later told ABC News that Malloch “had dropped Assange’s name.”
He told Fox News that Malloch “mentioned that he knew Assange.”
When asked during his first interview with the Special Counsel’s Office about whether he had communicated with Corsi and Stone, Malloch lied and said he had never done so.
In his second interview, Malloch was allowed to “correct” his statement.
In addition to Brexit, globalism and Malloch’s relationship with Assange, Stone asked Malloch to look into claims that Bill Clinton had been dismissed from the Rhodes Scholar program at Oxford after raping a female graduate student.
The next day Corsi and Malloch traveled to Trump Tower where they met with Trump campaign staffers.
“[Malloch] and I did manage to see Mr. Trump for a few minutes today as we were waiting in Trump Tower to say hello to Mike Cohen.” Corsi wrote in an email to Stone later that day. “Mr. Trump recognized us immediately and was very cordial. He would look for this memo from you this afternoon.”
It isn’t clear what memo Corsi is referring to, though he appears to have added an attachment to his email for Stone to look over.
Stone, Wikileaks, the Emergence of Guccifer 2.0 and the DNC Leak
Throughout June of 2016, Stone continued to tell members of the Trump campaign that Wikileaks was preparing to release materials that would be damaging to Clinton prior to this information becoming public information.
On June 12th, Julian Assange gave an interview on ITV in which he claimed that Wikileaks was planning upcoming leaks related to Hillary Clinton and the US presidential election.
Weeks before Assange’s announcement, Stone told Rick Gates over the phone that something “big” was coming related to leaks of information and that he believed that Assange had Clinton’s emails. Gates asked Stone when they would be released and Stone suggested this would happen very soon.
In addition to Gates, Stone told Manafort that he was dealing with a source close to Wikileaks and that the release of Clinton’s emails was imminent. Manafort claimed that at some point in June, Stone told him that “a source close to WikiLeaks confirmed that WikiLeaks had the emails from Clinton’s server.”
It is important to note that Paul Manafort lied on multiple occasions to the Special Counsel’s Office, which ought to be taken into account when considering his versions of events.
While Wikileaks later released emails the GRU stole from the DNC and from John Podesta, it never released any non-publicly available emails from Clinton’s time as Secretary of State. If Manafort is correct that Stone specifically mentioned Clinton’s server emails, it would indicate that in June of 2016 Stone was confused as to which set of Clinton-related emails Wikileaks both possessed and planned to release.
While Manafort never specified when this discussion took place, phone records show that Stone and Manafort spoke with one another on June 4th, June 12th (the day of Assange’s announcement), June 20th and June 23rd.
Manafort told Gates to check in with Stone “from time to time’’ to see if the information he was providing on Wikileaks was “real and viable.”
Following Assange’s June 12th announcement, Manafort told Gates that Stone received “half-credit” as his prediction had been vindicated but the emails had still yet to be released.
On June 14th, 2016, two days after Assange’s ITV interview, the DNC announced that it had been compromised by hackers linked to the Russian government.
That evening, Stone spoke with Trump twice over the phone for two and a half and two minutes respectively.
Rick Gates told later investigators that he had a phone call with Stone during this period in which Stone claimed that the information Wikileaks received could have come from the Russians.
The Trump campaign was pleased to learn about the DNC hack. While Gates suggested that some on the campaign didn’t believe the news about the Russians, he also said that given “what we were told that information might be about,” it was “felt it would give [the campaign] a leg up” if the hacked materials were released.
The Trump campaign planned a “press strategy, a communications campaign, and messaging based on the possibility the emails existed.” Conversations took place “about what the campaign could plan for in the way of emails.”
On June 15th, Stone asked Gates for Jared Kushner’s contact information so he could “debrief” Trump’s son-in-law on developments related to the hacked emails.
That same day, Unit 74455 of the GRU launched the online persona Guccifer 2.0 at 7pm Moscow time in an attempt to deflect from reports that hackers linked to the Russian government had hacked the DNC.
Seven days earlier, the GRU had set up DCLeaks, their first attempt to release the hacked materials prior to handing over that task to Wikileaks.
Shortly after midnight on June 16th, hours after Guccifer 2.0 went public, Gates and Stone discussed the DNC hack over a 30-minute phone call in which Stone told Gates that “more information would be coming out of the DNC hack.”
Following the call, Gates provided Stone with Kushner’s contact information. It is unclear whether Stone ever connected with Kushner, who told later investigators that he had only met Stone once during the transition.
The FBI later uncovered inconclusive but compelling evidence that Stone may have had advance knowledge of the GRU plan to use the Guccifer 2.0 online persona.
Between May 17th, the date Stone dined with Corsi and Malloch, and June 15th, the date Unit 74455 launched Guccifer 2.0, Google records show that searches for the terms “dcleaks,” “guccifer” and “guccifer june” were conducted from from IP addresses within one of two ranges: 172.56.26.0/24 and 107.77.216.0/24.
Comparable to a postal address, an IP address, short for internet protocol address, is essentially a label used to identify devices (ie iPhone, iPad, Home Computer, etc) on the internet. The searches were conducted from Florida, where Stone resides.
The FBI further found that Stone had used multiple IP addresses within the ranges in question to log onto his Twitter account. On June 13th, two days before Guccifer 2.0 went public, Stone used an IP address within the range 172.56.26.0/24 to purchase a Facebook ad.
While this is not definitive evidence that Roger Stone conducted these searches, or that the searches weren’t related to the original Guccifer, it raises interesting possibilities.
Manafort later maintained that as it was unclear to him whether the information Stone was telling them about Wikileaks was accurate, and he didn’t want Trump to become distracted, he asked Stone “not to tell Trump until they could confirm it.”
Stone was in regular contact with Trump during this time period. Though the public record of Trump and Stone’s communications during this time is incomplete, the Senate Intelligence Committee assessed that Stone and Trump likely discussed Wikileaks on June 30th, the same day Guccifer 2.0 posted additional comments online.
Roger Stone at the 2016 Republican National Convention
In July, as anticipation for the Wikileaks Clinton dump built, Stone traveled to Cleveland to attend the Republican National Convention. Traveling with him in his entourage were his assistant Andrew Miller and a group of filmmakers working on a Netflix documentary called Get Me Roger Stone.
At the convention, Stone connected with Alex Jones and became involved in a physical altercation with the liberal online media personality Cenk Uygar when they interrupted the filming of his show The Young Turks.
On the evening of either July 19th or 20th, Stone and Jones dined at an Italian restaurant with Nigel Farage.
One of the documentarians trailing Stone told The Guardian, “we got to the restaurant and Farage’s people were: ‘No, no, no! You can’t film. You can’t film.’ It was weird. Jones and Stone were totally open to it. But Farage was ‘No way’. He didn’t want any record of it. We didn’t know what to make of it.”
“It was the first time that Alex Jones, Roger Stone and Nigel Farage met face to face. We’d had a wire on Roger everywhere we went but when we turned up to meet Farage and his guy, he [Farage’s aide] was absolutely adamant,” another Get Me Roger Stone crew member told The Guardian.
“What was so noticeable was how Alex Jones was so pumped up afterwards about the leaks that were coming. He was saying it openly on his show. And then days later, the DNC leaks dropped [on July 22] and blew apart the Democratic National Convention.”
Stone has claimed that Farage wanted to secure a meeting with Trump. The next day, Stone called Manafort and suggested that Trump meet with the Brit. Manafort promised to “put a good word in.”
In addition to Farage, Stone told The Daily Beast that during the convention he had met with Manafort, Trump campaign pollster Tony Fabrizio and Trump communications director Jason Miller.
Fabrizio had worked with Manafort in Ukraine before being hired on as the Trump campaign’s pollster.
Two months earlier in May, Rick Gates started providing Fabrizio’s polling data to Konstantin Kilimnik, who passed it to Russian intelligence.
Roger Stone’s Potential Foreknowledge of the July 22nd, 2016, Wikileaks DNC Email Leak
On either the day of, or the day before, Stone’s meeting with Farage, July 18th or 19th, Michael Cohen recalled that the following event took place.
“I was sitting in Mr. Trump’s office when Rhona Graff yelled out: ‘Mr. Trump, Roger Stone on line 1.’
“And as the way Mr. Trump’s habit is, he doesn’t use the handset of the phone. He uses a little black box. A speaker box that [he] maintains on his desk. And without telling Roger Stone that I was in the office, Mr. Trump hit the power button and Roger Stone responded: ‘Mr. Trump,’ he said.
‘Roger, how are you?’
“He says: ‘Good, I just want to let you know I got off the telephone a moment ago with Julian Assange. And in a couple of days, there’s going to be a massive dump of emails that’s going to be extremely damaging to the Clinton campaign.’
“Mr. Trump said: ‘Uh, that’s good. Keep me posted.’
“To which point, after they hung up, Mr. Trump looked at me and he said to me: ‘Do you believe him? Do you think Roger really spoke to Assange?’
“And I responded: ‘I don’t know. Roger is Roger, and for all you know, he was looking on his Twitter account. I don’t know the answer.”
On July 22nd, the eve of the Democratic National Convention, Wikileaks released the DNC hacked emails for maximum political impact.
Upon learning the news, Trump turned to Cohen and said, “‘I guess Roger was right.’”
Neither the Special Counsel’s Office nor the Senate Intelligence Committee ever determined who, if anyone, Roger Stone’s source of information on the July 22nd Wikileaks release was.
Manafort and Trump discussed how the campaign could use the leaked DNC emails against chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz.
Manafort later claimed to be confused because Stone had initially predicted that the Wikileaks release would be related to Clinton’s server, he was happy to use the “fact of the hack and the substance of the emails” to launch attacks against the Clinton campaign and sow division within the Democratic party.
Cohen and Trump discussed “the usefulness of the released emails,” and how they might be used to sow division between Bernie Sanders, Donna Brazile, and Wasserman Shultz.
Rick Gates witnessed Trump on his private jet working the contents of the emails into his next speech.
That same day, Stone held a conference call with Manafort and Gates. An excited Manafort congratulated Stone. Stone informed Manafort that “additional information would be coming out down the road.”
Gates later testified that “Manafort thought that would be great.”
Manafort spoke again to Trump, reminding him of Stone’s accurate prediction that Wikileaks would release Clinton-related emails as well as his claim to be in contact with the anti-secrecy organization.
Trump told Manafort to keep in contact with Stone to see if there was going to be any additional email releases, a message Manafort relayed to Stone on July 25th.
Manafort further informed Stone that he wished to be kept fully apprised of any new developments related to Wikileaks and directed Gates to keep in touch with Stone regarding the matter.
A week later, on August 2nd, Manafort met with the alleged Russian intelligence officer Konstantin Kilimnik at the Grand Havana Room where they discussed, among other things, a plan to dismember Ukraine along lines favored by the Kremlin.
The next day, July 23rd, Trump tweeted: “The Wikileaks e-mail release today was so bad to Sanders that it will make it impossible for him to support her, unless he is a fraud!”
Trump and his campaign’s determination to use the DNC emails to cause divisions within the Democratic Party mirrored the original intent of the operation in the first place, as articulated by Julian Assange in a message he sent to the GRU via the Guccifer 2.0 Twitter account earlier that month on July 6th: “if you have anything hillary related we want it in the next tweo [sic] days prefable [sic] because the DNC is approaching and she will solidify bernie supporters behind her after.”
Assange continued, “we think trump has only a 25% chance of winning against hillary … so conflict between bernie and hillary is interesting.”
Get to Assange: Roger Stone’s Byzantine Connections to Wikileaks
On either July 22nd or July 25th, Stone and Corsi discussed the latter’s “ability to get to Assange.”
Also on the 25th, a New York-based investment analyst and anti-Clinton researcher named Charles Ortel blind copied Stone on an email correspondence with Fox News reporter James Rosen and Fox News host Judge Andrew Napolitano with the subject line “Fox London needs to meet Assange.”
Rosen, who may not have known that Stone was blind copied, replied, “Am told Wikileaks will be doing a massive dump of HRC emails relating to [Clinton Foundation] in September.”
Ortel and Stone had met through Kathleen Wiley, one of Bill Clinton’s sexual abuse accusers who Ortel had friended on Facebook. They met several times after that and Ortel appeared on InfoWars to discuss matters related to the Clinton Foundation.
Stone later claimed that Ortel’s email to Rosen was one of the clues he received about Assange’s activities, despite the fact that there was no release in September and Wikileaks never released emails related to the Clinton Foundation.
On the same day he was blind copied to Ortel’s email chain with Rosen, Stone sent an email to Jerome Corsi with the subject “Get to Assange.” The body of the message contained the same message in bold: “Get to Assange.”
Three days earlier, on the day of the Wikileaks DNC release, Corsi and Malloch had spoken over FaceTime and Corsi had asked him “if he could facilitate an interview with Julian Assange” or if he knew anybody around Nigel Farage that could help.
Upon receiving Stone’s “Get to Assange” email, Corsi forwarded it to Malloch with the message, “From Roger Stone.”
Corsi later claimed he never heard back from Malloch regarding the request and gave conflicting accounts on whether he had informed Stone of his Wikileaks conversation with Malloch.
On July 28th, the day after Trump had publicly invited the Russians to hack and release Hillary Clinton’s “missing” 30,000 emails, Jerome Corsi traveled to Italy with his wife for their 25th wedding anniversary.
The five days between then and August 2nd mark one of the most mysterious periods in the entire Stone-Corsi saga.
At 10:45pm on July 31st, Stone emailed Corsi with subject “Call me MON[day],” and wrote to him “Malloch should see Assange.”
Shortly thereafter, Corsi appears to have learned information that allowed him to send the following August 2nd email to Stone:
“Word is friend in embassy plans 2 more dumps. One shortly after I’m back. 2nd in Oct[ober]. Impact planned to be very damaging… Time to let more than Podesta to be exposed as in bed w[ith] enemy if they are not ready to drop HRC. That appears to be the game hackers are now about. Would not hurt to start suggesting HRC old, memory bad, has stroke — neither he nor she well. I expect much of next focus, setting stage for Foundation debacle.”
Corsi’s remarkably prescient email raised red flags for later investigators for several reasons.
He not only seemed to presage Wikileaks October 7th release, but that the release would be staggered. More suspicious still, in the same message Corsi mentions John Podesta, who over two months later was revealed as the primary subject of the hack.
He further learned that Assange planned to “release the emails seriatim and not all at once.”
Stone was later convicted of lying to Congress in order to hide his communications with Corsi during this critical period.
This raises the obvious questions: how did Corsi come across this information, and why did Stone later lie to Congress, a felony, to hide his interactions with Corsi?
To add to the confusion, even if Corsi had provided Stone with inside information he had obtained on the nature of the materials Julian Assange possessed and his plans on what to do with them, it appears unlikely such an act would have constituted a crime on either of their parts.
Thus the motivations for Stone’s later lies and evasions, which opened up him to prosecution, appear even more mysterious.
In addition to deleting his email communications with Stone, which the Special Counsel’s Office was able to retrieve, Corsi provided conflicting accounts of varying degrees of plausibility on how he came into the knowledge that he shared with Stone on the August 2nd email.
First he lied to investigators, claiming that he had never been in contact with Stone regarding Wikileaks or Julian Assange.
After being confronted with evidence to the contrary, Corsi then claimed that a “man” had told him about Assange’s plans while he was in Italy.
He subsequently walked that claim back and concocted an elaborate story that he had deduced the fact that Julian Assange and Wikileaks were in possession of John Podesta’s emails while on vacation with his wife in Italy.
His story failed to convince prosecutors and his repeated false statements and “memory lapses” rendered him useless as a witness.
Questions also remain about what exactly Corsi knew about what emails were in Assange’s possession.
“Time to let more than Podesta to be exposed as in bed w[ith] enemy if they are not ready to drop HRC,” he wrote in the email to Stone.
While read with the hindsight that on October 7th Wikileaks released John Podesta’s emails, Corsi’s statement could be interpreted as foreknowledge. However, the sentence doesn’t quite read that way.
Three days earlier, on July 31st, the Steve Bannon and Robert Mercer-backed Government Accountability Institute (GAI) released a report that accused a “Putin-connected Russian government fund [of] transferr[ing] $35 million to a small company with Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman John Podesta on its executive board, which included senior Russian officials.”
Corsi followed the release of the report closely. Seen in this context, it could be that Corsi’s reference to Podesta as “in bed w[ith] enemy” was in reference to the GAI report, and that he expected the information Wikileaks was planning to release would be in addition to the Podesta information released by the GAI.
Furthermore, Corsi’s mention of the upcoming Wikileaks release “setting stage for Foundation debacle,” seems to indicate that he believed the emails Assange possessed were related to the Clinton Foundation, not John Podesta.
Another part of Corsi’s August 2nd email to Stone that proved eerily prescient was his statement that it “[w]ould not hurt to start suggesting HRC old, memory bad, has stroke — neither he nor she well.”
Two days later, a Stone-associate named Paul Joseph Watson claimed that Hillary Clinton had brain damage, among other ailments, on InfoWars. A wave of right wing rumor mongering about Clinton’s health soon followed, making it to the Drudge Report on August 7th, and later onto Fox News and Trump’s statements on the campaign trail.
By August 8th, “Is Hillary having health problems” began trending on Google. That same day, RT ran a story showing a clip of Clinton slipping down a set of stairs and falsely claiming that she had “well-documented brain injuries” and social media accounts linked to the Internet Research Agency in St. Petersburg sent out the first tweet of what would ultimately amount to over 500 using the hashtag #HillaryHealth.
On August 22nd, Wikileaks released Clinton-related emails from her time as Secretary of State seeming to highlight her health issues.
Throughout this period, Stone was in regular contact with Trump and high level campaign officials.
On July 29th, Stone messaged Manafort saying that there was “good shit happening” and that the two needed to find a time to speak. The next day, July 30th, they spoke for 68-minutes, the longest known interaction between the two during the campaign.
By that point, Manafort had set up his August 2nd meeting with Kilimnik at the Grand Havana Club. The next day Stone and Manafort spoke again for an extended period, after which Stone called Rick Gates.
Ten minutes after that, Stone spoke with Trump twice over the phone, each conversation lasting over ten minutes.
Following his discussions with Trump, Stone emailed eight draft tweets to Trump’s assistant Jessica Machia with the subject “Tweets Mr. Trump requested last night.” Stone’s ghost tweets criticized Hillary Clinton’s stances vis-a-vis Russia, with one in particular stating “I want a new detente with Russia under Putin.”
On August 3rd, the day after Stone received Corsi’s email regarding Assange’s plans and Manafort had met with Kilimnik in New York, Stone attempted to call Manafort but the call didn’t go through. Afterwards, he sent Manafort an email with the subject “I have an idea” and wrote in the body of the email “to save Trump’s ass.”
Manafort called Stone later in the day, presumably to learn what Stone’s cryptic idea was. While it remains unknown what they discussed, it is clear that Stone did not want to put the idea down in writing.
On August 4th, Stone told Sam Nunberg that he was returning from London where he had dined with Julian Assange. “I dined with my new pal Julian Assange last nite,” Stone wrote to Nunberg.
Nunberg recalled that Stone had told him that he had “met with Julian Assange about the emails” and that he believed the next batch of emails Wikileaks released would pertain to the Clinton Foundation.
In addition to Nunberg, an unnamed source described by The Washington Post as a Stone-associate told the paper that sometime in the Spring of 2016 Stone had told them that he had learned that Wikileaks possessed and would release emails pertaining to John Podesta and other top Democrats.
Stone denied ever having met Assange or traveling to London during this time and claimed that he had been joking when he said otherwise to Nunberg, who was subpoenaed to testify before the Grand Jury regarding his interactions with Stone. Nunberg did not take Stone’s statement regarding meeting Assange as a joke at the time.
Stone later produced Airline and Credit Card statements showing that on August 1st he flew JetBlue from Miami to Los Angeles. There he stayed at the London Hotel in West Hollywood on August 1st and 2nd, returning to Miami on the 3rd, the day he claimed to have “dined” with Assange.
The question of whether Stone spoke with Assange during the time period, or spoke or met anybody knowledgeable about the internal workings of Wikileaks, remains unanswered.
The same day he told Sam Nunberg that he had dined with Assange, Stone appeared on InfoWars where he discussed Wikileaks and claimed to have spoken with Trump the day before.
“The Clinton campaign narrative that the Russians favor Donald Trump and the Russians are leaking this information, this is inoculation because as you said earlier, they know what is coming and it is devastating,” Stone said on the program. “Let’s remember that their defense to all the Clinton Foundation scandals is not that ‘we didn’t do,’ but ‘you have no proof, yes but you have no proof.’”
Stone continued, “I think Julian Assange has that proof and I think he is going to furnish it for the American people.”
The next article will explore Roger Stone’s interactions with Russian military intelligence during the 2016 election.
You can find my collected writings here.