China in the World Community Fund Report — 2023

Doublethink Lab
Doublethink Lab
Published in
10 min readApr 10, 2024

Global Research Team / Doublethink Lab

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Advancing global research and collaborations on PRC influence

In 2023, the China in the World (CITW) Community Fund harnessed the energy unleashed across our annual summit in Berlin, CITW 2022, where we launched the inaugural China Index in 82 countries. That event, described by one attendee as like “Woodstock for the China research community”, ended our pandemic-blighted isolation, and reinvigorated the CITW network.

Doublethink Lab subsequently received a host of applications from participants keen to tap the fund, first launched in 2022, which aims to raise the profile of CITW and the China Index globally, support related research, and deepen connections among CITW network members.

What follows is a breakdown of proposals selected in 2023, representing voices and initiatives from around the world. In total, CITW allocated almost $20,000 to fund six projects, primarily in the Global South, as well as one worldwide initiative and one targeting southeastern Europe.

CITW looks forward to releasing new China Index data in 2024, after which we will release details of further research opportunities.

1. Research paper: Assessing China’s Growing Technological Impact in Central Asia

Danila Bekturganov, political scientist, director of the Public Foundation Civil Expertise, and Abbos Bobokhonov, PhD in Political Science, University of World Economy and Diplomacy, sought to put flesh on the bones of China Index data showing strong People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s influence across the Technology Domain across Central Asia.

Their report highlights PRC companies’ deep penetration of digital infrastructure in a region where Huawei is the ICT market leader, and supplies more than 300 products and technologies.

The Kazakh Science and Higher Education Ministry and Huawei Technologies Kazakhstan sign a memo of understanding within the International Digital Forum in Astana. Source: Kazinform

The awardees underline the role played by national digital development plans, such as Kazakhstan’s Decree “On approval of the Concept of digital transformation, development of the information and communication technology industry and cybersecurity for 2023–2029”, approved in March 2023, in facilitating PRC technology firms to engage with governments at the leadership level.

Focusing on Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, respectively, Bekturganov and Bobokhonov detail the history and current positioning of both Huawei and TikTok (owned by Bytedance). In Kazakhstan, Bekturganov further delves into the footprint of security and surveillance equipment makers Hikvision and Dahua, before flagging potential corruption issues with related contracts. “Tenders for the implementation of video monitoring systems [a convenient and inexpensive tool for population control] are not announced publicly,” he writes. “This gives opposition groups reason to suspect Chinese companies of possible involvement in corruption.”

Moreover, Bekturganov reminds readers that Dahua, a brand with 30,000-plus cameras operating in Kazakhstan, has been involved in multiple security breaches, and stands accused of deliberately introducing vulnerabilities to allow the transfer of data to the PRC, putting citizens’ privacy at risk. Bekturganov also documents instances of TikTok “participating in political censorship in Kazakhstan.”

In Uzbekistan, Bobokhonov notes how a Law on Personal Data mandates the storing of personal data on servers located inside the country. This has led the State Inspectorate for Control in the Sphere of Informatization and Telecommunications (Uzkomnazorat) to restrict access to TikTok and other social platforms due to non-compliance.

Uzbekistan has a noteworthy commitment to balancing provision of telecommunications equipment to vital ICT sectors, so in addition to Huawei and ZTE, companies like KT Corporation and LG CNS (Republic of Korea), NEC Corporation (Japan), Veon (Netherlands), Nokia (Finland), Iskratel (Slovenia), and many others are present in the sector.

The authors further observe that Smart/Safe City initiatives undertaken in collaboration with the PRC, such as the Arkadag Smart City project in Turkmenistan, will tie host cities into technological dependence on PRC entities. “Some countries are concerned that Digital Silk Road projects could help the PRC government gain access to sensitive data, including personal and biometrical data of Central Asian citizens.”

As a remedy, Bekturganov and Bobokhonov assert the importance of regional initiatives to guarantee the security of personal, biometrical and documentary data, and advocate the introduction of international legislative frameworks aimed at preventing the misuse of ICT network infrastructure, and safeguard citizen data and privacy.

Their conclusion and recommendations aim to safeguard the interests of Central Asia states and avoid technological dependence on the PRC, and make for essential reading for governments, ICT companies and civil society in the region.

2. Pushing Public Engagement in Moldova and Romania

Sorin Ioniță, President of Expert Forum (EFOR), led a project to improve recognition of the China Index and its findings among the Romanian-speaking public. Senior researchers delivered messages directly to local media, focusing public attention on the long-term challenges posed by PRC engagement in the region.

On Facebook, Ioniță reposted (in Romanian) former Doublethink Lab chair Puma Shen’s expert testimony to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission calling for the U.S. and Taiwan to exchange expertise on countering Communist Party of China (CCP) influence and disinformation.

This secured a meeting with the U.S. Embassy in Romania staff, driving engagement on PRC influence issues. Ioniță himself appeared on Prima News TV and Radio France International to discuss related topics, and his articles garnered many thousands of views.

Ioniță’s writings bring home the totality of the threat posed by the PRC’s operations in Europe, outlining the party-state’s five point framework to politically influence friends and enemies overseas.

In a rare example of PRC policy discussions crossing onto social media with a majority Generation Z audience, EFOR also managed to drive significant engagement on Instagram by partnering with established influencers.

The two articles had a readership of 30,000, which in the Romanian fragmented media market is equivalent to the daily circulation of a major quality (non-tabloid) newspaper. Cross-postings and media partners (Insta, radio, TV, EFOR’s English website) added another 120,000 live viewers / listeners / readers (based on average ratings of each channel).

EFOR supported their online engagement with a series of in-person events involving academics, the diplomatic corps, and PRC experts, both in Romania, and during a three-day conference in Seoul, ROK. At one meeting in Bucharest, the China Index was presented to Romanian parliamentarians in the presence of the Taiwanese ambassador.

Looking ahead, EFOR is keen to cooperate with interested parties on creating a newsletter sharing insights on goings on within the PRC, featuring sources and partners such as China Labor Watch, China Digital Times, and China Political Prisoner Concern.

3. Taking PRC Investigation Global

When Doublethink Lab attends events overseas, including in Bogotá and Nairoibi last year, attendees often pinpoint investigative skills as essential for a society to properly interrogate its relationship with the PRC.

A lack of Chinese language skills is also commonly cited as a barrier, and for this reason Niva Yau, a CITW Regional Partner and a nonresident fellow with the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub, has pioneered “A starter guide to Chinese open source data for non-Chinese speakers.” This workshop helps journalists and other interested stakeholders get to grips with data and information that is accessible on PRC-hosted websites, and also serves as a crash course in the basics of digital safety, too.

Yau’s training allows non-Chinese speakers to navigate public-facing PRC websites, including the Ministry of Commerce, where you can source trade data and other information on a country’s economic relationship with the PRC.

Global Voices Managing Editor Filip Noubel was thus inspired to take Yau’s training and make it available online to everyone, everywhere, in English and in Spanish, with more languages to follow.

Global Voices also identified about two dozen journalists, primarily from the Global South, who would benefit from the training, and invited Niva to deliver the workshop via webinar. Eventually, 18 participated, representing Albania, Algeria, Bangladesh, Brazil, Burundi, Germany, Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Philippines, Rwanda, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, US, Uzbekistan, and Venezuela.

Following the training, a summary of its content was made available in written form for those who couldn’t attend the live session, and for future reference for other researchers, activists and journalists.

Moreover, the post was integrated into Global Voices’ special page dedicated to the BRI and its influence and perception in the Global South, which aggregates over 50 stories and a report.

4. Central American journalists’ workshop

CITW partner Hernan Alberro, an independent journalist and consultant, participated in a gathering of Central American journalists in Costa Rica organized by Expediente Abierto, a CITW partner, think tank and investigative journalism program focused on research and promotion of dialogue on security and defense, international affairs, transparency and human rights. Expediente Abierto hosts the China in Central America Observatory, which monitors PRC influence in the region via an interactive dashboard.

During the four-day workshop in San José, Alberro shared China Index methodology and regional results with participants, acquainting 30 participants with the Index and its insights. Twenty-five journalists also used the China Index to identify potential stories they could develop using Index data as a source. The meeting helped generate an article mentioning the Index in the most widely read Spanish language media in the world, El País, as well as others in publications from Nicaragua and Costa Rica itself.

5. Widening the lens on PRC influence in Malaysia

Khoo Ying Hooi, Associate Professor at the University of Malaysia, led a project to introduce the China Index, and the issue of PRC influence more generally, to an audience of scholars and civil society actors in Malaysia.

At the start of the sharing, only five of the 15 participants had come across the Index, so the session served to broaden awareness, with the potential for scholars to feature the Index in their work. In fact, the project served to highlight an important issue of framing for those trying to use the China Index in the course of their work: some participants raised concerns over potential bias due to the Index being coordinated by a Taiwanese organization.

The discussion serves to highlight the importance of understanding the Index as a comparative tool for measuring PRC influence between countries and regions. In any case, even among an audience with reservations as regards its methodology, the Index still served to kickstart an important discussion around the nature and extent of PRC influence in Malaysia:

(1.) Economic Dominance: Several experts emphasized China’s role as Malaysia’s largest trading partner and foreign investor, highlighting the economic opportunities that come with this partnership. They view China’s economic influence as a driver of growth and development in Malaysia.

(2.) Geostrategic Concerns: Some experts expressed concerns about the potential geopolitical implications of China’s presence in Malaysia. They discussed issues related to territorial disputes, security arrangements, and Malaysia’s strategic positioning in the region.

(3.) Cultural and Social Exchange: A subset of experts emphasized the aspects of cultural exchange between the two nations. They saw Chinese cultural influence as fostering cross-cultural understanding and enriching Malaysia’s multicultural fabric, while at the same time, as a form of soft power.

(4.) Diplomatic and Political Relations: Experts also assessed the evolving diplomatic and political dynamics between China and Malaysia. This included discussions on diplomatic initiatives, bilateral agreements, and Malaysia’s foreign policy choices in response to China’s influence.

6. Analyzing Economic Engagement in Venezuela and Ecuador

In 2023 May, CITW partners the Andrés Bello Foundation (ABF) — China Latin America Research Center (Colombia) and the Mil Hojas Foundation (MHF) (Ecuador) organized a joint three-day in-person gathering in Bogota to carry out a comparative analysis between the case studies of Sino-Venezuelan Joint Funds and PRC loans to Ecuador.

Thanks to the CITW community fund, ABF and MHF co-produced a comparative analysis of PRC lending practices in Latin America, the first of its kind. The joint paper laid the groundwork for a future in-depth investigation between the two organizations.

Overall, the paper revealed that while the PRC’s overarching strategy in both nations has centred around energy security and infrastructure development, the depth and nature of engagements differ.

The Coca Codo Sinclair hydropower power plant in Ecuador has been beset by delays and accidents, and remains a thorny issue as regards debt negotiations with the PRC. Source: Ministerio de Turismo Ecuador.

In Venezuela, the PRC’s approach is predominantly shaped by oil-for-loan agreements, capitalizing on the nation’s vast oil reserves, whereas Ecuador’s engagements are more diversified, encompassing infrastructure, technology, and hydroelectric projects. Notably, the presence of a myriad of institutional actors and Chinese corporations in both nations underscores China’s multifaceted investment approach. However, amid this economic engagement, both countries grapple with severe challenges, including opaque contracts, difficulties in paying back loans, and allegations of corruption.

About Doublethink Lab

Doublethink Lab (Doublethink) is a civil society organization (CSO) devoted to studying the malign influence of digital authoritarianism. Doublethink’s strengths lie in the ability to combine a diverse set of research approaches in the social, behavioral, and computational sciences to study state-funded propaganda campaigns, psychological warfare, and related information operations. Doublethink seeks to foster global networks connecting academics, democracy movements, digital communities, like-minded CSOs, and experts on the People’s Republic of China, in order to strengthen global democratic resilience.

About China In The World (CITW)

In 2019, Doublethink Lab and its partners established China In The World (CITW) network to bring together stakeholders researching the People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s global influence and disinformation strategies. CITW oversees the publication of the China Index, the first cross-regional initiative to objectively measure and compare the PRC’s influence in various countries. CITW Summits are participatory grassroots events designed to strengthen members’ ability to conduct investigations and research that strengthen democratic resilience and counter malign authoritarian influences.

Also read: China in the World Community Fund Report — 2022

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Doublethink Lab
Doublethink Lab

Doublethink Lab focuses on mapping the online information operation mechanisms as well as the surveillance technology exportation and digital authoritarianism.