太平門系列外篇:揭同僚收受利益,移民官警官丟飯碗

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recall-hk
Published in
23 min readDec 31, 2020

九七前夕,西方曾有遭滲透警鐘響起。有資深加國移民官與執法人員揭露同僚收利益,直指中國透過香港富豪、黑社會與人才交流計劃滲加國各行各業,帶來毒品交易、洗黑錢、盜竊科技和各種間諜活動,又以相當金額資助資助主要政黨。行動遭上頭封殺,被指反華上腦,飯碗不保。

加拿大安全情報局(CSIS)亞太區主管Michel Juneau-Katsuya(右)曾與皇家騎警聯手進行大型調查行動,透過加國駐港移民官Brian McAdam(中)與警目Robert Reid(左)的資料挖掘更大圖畫,揭露加國赤化危機,結果被指陰謀論,連同一批背景資料盡被銷毀,三人更遭上頭迫害。[圖:《壹週刊》第609期(2001年11月8日)]

1. 揭發經過

2004年,加拿大CTV老牌新聞節目W5採訪移民官Brian McAdam及相關人士,探討如何揭發涉黑者透過漏洞移居加國醜聞,一切始於香港九七過渡期。

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

CTV W5- Corruption and Cover Up(2004):

The story begins a dozen years ago in a place halfway around the world, Hong Kong. In the early 1990s, it was a time of uncertainty, 1997 was looming, the year that Communist China would take control of Hong Kong, and millions of Hong Kong Chinese were desperately looking for a way out, and Canada was far and away, the country of choice.

There were huge lineups at Canada’s High Commission in Hong Kong to apply for visas but there were some in the crowd who should have raised suspicion.

香港前毒品調查科總督察Sandy Boucher說,當年「冰后」成功逃過追捕並以商人身份定居加國,當地相關部問應該心知肚明。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

香港毒品調查科前總督察Sandy Boucher說,當年亞洲著名毒販「冰后」李秋萍逃過追捕,並成功以企業家身份入境加國定居,情況令人咋舌。

Former Royal Hong Kong Police Inspector Sandy Boucher: “Organized crime figures people with records, people without records but serious criminals were looking to move to Canada. Some were applied and got turned back and some applied and got in.”

And one of Boucher’s cases proved exactly that. As the head of the Royal Hong Kong police Narcotics Bureau, he was closing in on a notorious drug trafficker known as the “Ice queen” Li Chau Ping’s gang was producing almost 500 tons of the street drug crystal meth, also known as “Ice.” When the police raided her labs in one of her safe houses the “Ice queen” got on a plane to Canada.

Don Clark(Host): “You thought perhaps she was just going for a couple of weeks or a holiday?”

Sandy Boucher: “Oh sure. I knew before the raid went down that it would probably spook her and her syndicate. We assumed that she’d go over there wait till things that die down a little and she’d come back.”

Boucher couldn’t believe it when an RCMP Officer called to say that the “Ice queen” had landed.

1992年「冰后」李秋萍從香港抵加國定居。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Sandy Boucher: “And I said well, of course she’s landing. It’s an airplane you know. He said, no no she’s landing! I said I’m sorry, I don’t know what you mean. And turned out he meant she’s gonna be a landed immigrant. She was landing as an immigrant. And I said it can’t be, she’s got a criminal record, I know that she’s known to Canadian authorities. She was a major organized crime figure.”

Don Clark: “She was one of the biggest targets in Hong Kong and China at that time.”

Sandy Boucher: “Yeah, that’s who she was.”

Li Chau Ping was welcomed by the Canadian government as a business investor. Her story, she was willing to invest 170 thousand dollars in a fast food chicken franchise in of all places, the wilds of northern Saskatchewan, a tiny town called Lauren’s.

Back in Hong Kong, some were beginning to wonder, if a high-profile criminal like the “Ice queen” could get into Canada, how many other criminals were also being welcomed? It seemed the Chinese organised crime groups known as the Triads had found a way.

1989年,加拿大外交人員Brian McAdam被派來港擔任領事館移民官,負責審批移民和發簽證,他與騎警Garry Clement先後揭發好些使館職員涉收受利益,疑被香港黑社會滲透。

2008年,移民官Brian McAdam接受《新紀元周刊》第88期專訪,描述如何親歷黑幫收買官員圈套://一九九二年,麥克亞當代表加拿大應邀參加一個在溫哥華舉行的有關世界黑幫問題的論壇。論壇結束後,皇家騎警的一位官員和移民部的一位官員陪同他…去一家餐館,並把麥克亞當介紹給六名男子。晚間十一點他們陪同他到設有卡拉OK的一家夜總會。麥克亞當說:「三位漂亮的女性出現並坐在他們的桌子旁邊…其中一個和我說她來自香港…是香港一家知名夜總會的『媽媽桑』…突然,兩位小姐開始在桌子底下撫摸我的大腿,而那位皇家騎警估計收到了訊號。他對我說:『布里安,旁邊就有房間,去吧!』我意識到這是早就設計好了的『甜蜜』圈套,於是我站起來說,非常感謝你們,但是我感覺很累,我先失陪了。」麥克亞當回到香港後調查了他在溫哥華結識的這些朋友,六個人中的五個人最終被證實是黑幫的成員…//[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Brian McAdam was the immigration control officer at Canada’s High Commission in Hong Kong at the time. He was sending detailed intelligence back to Ottawa, warning that Canadian embassy staff were fraternizing with the wrong people.

Don Clark: “Who were they associating with the costume concern?”

Brian McAdam: “People that I knew had very good reason to believe were Triad members.”

Don Clark: “Organized crime, Chinese organized crime.”

Brian McAdam: “Yeah.”

Don Clark: “And what were they doing with these people? Were they…”

Brian McAdam: “They go to parties, you’d see their people at cocktail parties, trips to Macau, shopping trips to Bangkok.”

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Expensive gifts, luxury yachts, trips to the casinos in Macau, but that wasn’t all.

Garry Clement is now the Chief of Police in the small town of Kohlberg Ontario. But in the early 1990s he was an RCMP officer stationed at the High Commission in Hong Kong.

皇家騎警Garry Clement[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Clement found more signs of corruption. Money handed out to Canadian embassy staff to bet on the horses at Hong Kong’s luxurious Happy Valley racetrack. But that was only the first part of the deal. Clement remembers a warning that he received from a wealthy and connected businessman.

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Garry Clement: “The one thing that he told me very early on in my time there is nobody in the Chinese culture does anything for nothing, and I never forgot that. I think that’s where you have to look at. Why was the Canadian mission being targeted? Why was the Canadian mission being invited out to all these events? Well we all know, Canadian passports.”

二人稱親見電腦資料被刪改;外交部派電腦專家David Balser來港調查,證實確有安全漏洞,但當局未跟進。

And it gets worse. At the time all these applications were being processed electronically, McAdam and Clement had come up with a special code to identify known criminals who had applied, code “H.”

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Brian McAdam couldn’t believe his eyes one day when sitting at his computer, he opened his secret file of known triad members to discover someone had broken into the systems.

Brian McAdam: “Suddenly was within just a few seconds, the name and the details appearing, the name just started dropping off like the letters were sliding off the rulers, just falling down and the screen is blank. I thought I was doing something wrong. So I thought I’ll just grab my file that doesn’t have this code to see what happened. The other files came out no problem, they didn’t disappear. Just my files which were quoted ‘H.’”

移民官Brian McAdam形容部門內有關涉黑人物機密電腦檔案如何在眼前消失。圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Don Clark: “And these files were essential because this was the basis of the intelligence that you had collected on some very bad guys who wanted into Canada. And with that information deleted from the computer, all of a sudden they would look clean and just be left from the system.”

Brian McAdam: “Yeah.”

The evidence was mounting that something was going on. The RCMP launched an investigation and the Department of Foreign Affairs sent over a computer expert.

The top-secret report prepared by David Balser in 1992 confirmed the worst suspicions. They were alarming breaches of Canada’s immigration policies. But for reasons unexplained, the RCMP investigation ignored the Balser report.

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Garry Clement: “Anybody that saw that report should have taken very definitive action. Why it was not taken? I don’t know.”

皇家騎警Garry Clement[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Brian McAdam認為情況嚴重,一再促請當局跟進,結果遭同僚排擠。

The Mounties also paid little attention to evidence of bribery, forgery of visas, and profiteering at the Canadian High Commission.

Don Clark: “How compromised was Canada at that point?”

Brian McAdam: “It was extremely vulnerable, and the most disturbing thing is that no one took this problem seriously at the time.”

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)
圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

No one except for Brian McAdam who was pushing for a full inquiry into the allegations of corruption and fraud, allegations that pointed directly to the staff at the High Commission. But suddenly the career civil servant who had received glowing performance reviews found himself shunned by his colleagues.

Brian McAdam: “Nobody wanted to talk to me and I became very ostracized within the office.”

移民官Brian McAdam [圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Don Clark: “No wonder they didn’t want to talk to you, you were the guy turning over all the stones. You were trouble.”

Despite all the efforts to shut McAdam down, the scandal would not go away, too many people knew.

有熟悉黑社會運作人士向W5透露犯罪組織如何收買使館人員。

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Don Clark: The corruption at the High Commission in Hong Kong was known far and wide by certain criminal organizations, and that brings us here to London. We found a man who knows firsthand the operations of Chinese organized crime, otherwise known as the Triads. He agreed to come out of the shadows to fly in from an undisclosed location and meet us here in London, to reveal for the first time what he knows about the connections between the Triads and the scandal at the Canadian High Commission.

Some members of the international intelligence community have long supported Brian McAdam and they persuaded this man to talk to W5. But he had conditions, we had to protect his identity. No name, no pictures of his face, and his voice had to be altered. He is connected to the Triads through family and business, and talking to us about them could be fatal. But he says he knows exactly how they operated with the Canadians.

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

The source: “First of all, some Triad remembers, they don’t present as the Triad. They are very famous businessmen, even legislators, solicitors, accountants and they hold senior position in the Triads. They would invite whoever newly arrive from Canada to work in the High Commission of Canada in Hong Kong, to go the race course in their box, do some racing, talking and then going party. or going on a big big yacht. And some money change hands, some handshake, and problem solved you know. Can you afford to buy a gold Rolex? So they give you a gold Rolex, fancy car, then when you get hooked on, then they’ll ask you to do a favor. Beside, who knows at those days? Who knows? Everybody doing I think. I think it took more than one person in the High Commission of Canada to get the job done, not just one single person. It must be a big big scandal behind it all.”

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)
圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

Don Clark: “With the type of corruption that was evident at the High Commission at that time, is it possible that a number of very serious criminals, Triad members would get through the system and get to Canada?”

The source: “They’re all living there now! Big-time businessmen, popular in Chinatown business. If you try to tell me nobody take bribery in that time, nobody in Hong Kong would believe it. Especially those who couldn’t make it.”

Don Clark: “How much would it cost?”

The source: “Nobody give me the price. But I would figure out somewhere of a half million Hong Kong dollars. Would you pay a half million to buy the whole family an insurance? Or would you like to go to Africa or some tiny island in the Pacific, or would you like to go to the Maple Leaf? I would choose the Maple Leaf.”

How many criminals bought their way in? The half-hearted RCMP investigation turned a blind eye to that. But this scandal was about to take a new twist.

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)
圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

政壇對醜聞幾乎毫無反應,只有自由黨國會議員David Kilgour願意會見Brian McAdam,並致函總理要求跟進,但亦全無下文。

Allegations of passports for sale at Canada’s High Commission in Hong Kong, staff accepting gifts and money, socializing with known criminals all uncovered by Immigration Control Officer Brian McAdam.

Don Clark: Now you might have thought that all of this would have set off alarm bells here on Parliament Hill, the very thought that employees of the government of Canada were involved in massive corruption that could have allowed dangerous criminals into the country. But surprisingly nobody here not one ministry not one agency seem to be very interested in getting to the bottom of this, except for one Liberal MP who felt that this was perhaps the most serious scandal that he had encountered in his political life.

David Kilgour met with Brian McAdam and he was convinced that something was seriously wrong in Hong Kong. In his 1995 letter to Prime Minister Jean Chrétien he tried to warn him about the highly irresponsible and/or illegal activities and asked for a full public inquiry.”

加國自由黨主席議員David Kilgour[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

David Kilgour: “I thought that what McAdam was saying is a 30 year veteran of Immigration Canada who had done like two postings in Hong Kong that what he was saying was serious enough that I thought I should refer it first to the immigration minister of the day, and then the Prime Minister.”

Don Clark: “The inquiry didn’t happen?”

David Kilgour: “No it didn’t.”

Prime Minister Jean Chrétien never even acknowledged Kilgour’s letter. And it was into that climate of “see no evil, hear no evil” that our second whistleblower stumbled.

1993年,高級警長Jim Puchniak曾申請到港查案,但被警督Gary Lagamodiere勸止,說會得罪駐港高級代表John Higginbotham云云。

高級警長Jim Puchniak[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

In 1993, Staff Sergeant Jim Puchniak wanted to go to Hong Kong and conduct a proper investigation, but the RCMP liaison officer at the mission inspector Gary Lagamodiere wrote a memo back to Ottawa advising against it, saying it would upset the High Commissioner John Higginbotham.

Don Clark: “Lagamodiere said that if your investigators came to Hong Kong it would be viewed as a witch-hunt, and he said I can guarantee you Canadian High Commissioner will be screaming at the highest political levels. What did you make of that?”

當年加國駐港高級代表John Higginbotham[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Jim Puchniak: “My instinct then and still is that if there was nothing to hide, you would welcome a police investigation. So obviously there was something that was going on.”

Don Clark: “Did you feel at any point that there was political interference at the highest levels on this investigation?”

高級警長Jim Puchniak[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Jim Puchniak: “It just seemed throughout this investigation and anything to do with the Hong Kong file that there was always some something blocking it, some reason why we couldn’t go.”

1996年,皇家騎警警目Robert Reid被派接手跟進McAdam之案件,據悉是當局調來的第四位,也是資歷最淺警員。Reid與McAdam多次會面,逐漸掌握案情與相關基本知識,越來越相信確有其事,認為事態嚴重,接連向上級報告,遭上司與外交部重重阻撓。

皇家騎警警目Robert Reid[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Robert Reid: “It’s kind of like walking through a forest and all of a sudden you find yourself in quicksand.”

Corporal Reid grew up in Regina Saskatchewan, the home of the RCMP. Like any dedicated cop, Read thought that his job was to dig into the allegations and get to the truth. One of the first things he came across was the top-secret Balser Report which laid bare the security breaches. Armed with that he went to his boss.

Robert Reid: “He said this is water under the bridge, why go over this again? And I was very shocked by that. I said this is not water under the bridge, this is evidence of of a major fault.”

The more he dug into the affair, the more resistance he felt. The departments of Foreign Affairs and Immigration blocked their staff from speaking with Reid, something that Reid’s RCMP boss agreed to.

Robert Reid: “I arrived at the opinion that in fact the progress I was making was not pleasing to my superiors.”

Robert Reid相信,加國聯邦政府入境部門與外交部門,以至皇家騎警都有份阻撓調查。在1999年,他選擇向公眾披露所知,結果以瀆職罪名被革職。

皇家騎警警目Robert Reid查案屢遭阻撓,決定向傳媒爆料吹哨,溫哥華報章The Province多次頭版報道。[圖:The Province(1999–8–29)]
圖:The Province(1999–8–29)
圖:The Province(1999–9–16)
圖:The Province(1999–9–3)

Reid就此向公民檢討委員會上訴,委員會為他與McAdam二人平反,但其意見對皇家騎警隊沒約束力。委員會另又批評,雖有多方可疑跡象,但皇家騎警隊選擇完全無視,禁止調查。

Don Clark: “Did you feel that maybe you were getting a little bit too close to a very uncomfortable truth for the Canadian government?”

Robert Reid: “Well I felt that I had discovered a cover-up. At that time I believed that it was Department of Immigration and the Department of Foreign Affairs who were involved in this.”

皇家騎警警目Robert Reid決定向傳媒爆料吹哨[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Don Clark: “Let’s just be clear about this. You’re saying that there was a cover-up conducted by the federal government? By a couple of departments in the federal government? You’re also saying that there was obstruction of justice by the RCMP? Those pretty serious charges.”

Robert Reid: “Yes, yeah yeah yeah.”

皇家騎警警目Robert Reid[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

In 1999 Corporal Reid did the unthinkable for a Police Officer. He broke his oath of secrecy and went public about the scandal in Hong Kong. The RCMP reacted swiftly. The force charged the 24 year veteran with professional misconduct found him guilty and fired him.

And that might have been the end of it, but Reid appealed his dismissal to the RCMP s civilian review committee. And out of the thousands of pages of documents and testimony from his disciplinary hearing, came this decision in September 2003: vindication for Reid and McAdam and scathing criticism of the RCMP.

The review committee found that the RCMP was walking on eggshells whenever it conducted an investigation into activities at the Canadian mission abroad and this: “…What is at issue was a deliberate choice made by the RCMP not to pursue an investigation into possible criminal wrongdoing even though numerous examples had been drawn to its attention.” It warned that the RCMP must “not allow itself to be co-opted by government agencies.”

圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)
圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)

退休港警相信,加國當局有意隱瞞真相。加國自由黨議員David Kilgour認為警隊人手充足,只要肯著手查,即使事隔10年亦未為晚也。皇家騎警退休警司Garry Clement更直指警隊未有履行保護加人的職責。

Retired RCMP Superintendent Garry Clement believes that the force failed in its duty to protect the citizens of Canada.

Garry Clement: “We dropped the ball. I mean I don’t think we should try and defend it. The bottom line is we drop the ball in this investigation.”

The review committee found that while Corporal Reid made mistakes, he was justified in raising a matter of legitimate public concern and recommended that the RCMP reinstate him. But the question of the cover-up remains active.

Liberal MP David Kilgour: “Nobody’s above the law ultimately. It was the RCMP responsibilities to say if anybody was telling him don’t rock any boats or don’t do this, don’t do that. To say sorry our mandate is to go and see if there’s been a criminal offence committed.”

Don Clark: “Do you think that we will ever get to the bottom of who was truly behind the cover-up in this case?”

David Kilgour: “I don’t know. I would think we had a team of investigators assigned to go and find out. I don’t think I’d be very hard to find out what happened even now ten years later.”

加國自由黨主席議員David Kilgour[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

Former Hong Kong Police Inspectors Sandy Boucher: “They should have been dealt with and it wasn’t. The way it ended up this story has ended up is staggering.”

Don Clark: “Do you believe there was a Canadian cover-up on this?”

Sandy Boucher: “Sure. If you look at you know what’s happened with the overall picture of the Hong Kong mission, I’ve no doubt as a cover-up.”

But by who, and why? There are a number of places to look. Exposing the corruption of the High Commission would have embarrassed the government. It could have ruined the careers of some bureaucrats, and it would have revealed a woefully inadequate RCMP investigation. As it turned out, no one was embarrassed and no one lost their jobs except for the two whistleblowers, Robert Reid and Brian McAdam, who became the target of a vicious personal campaign.

到後來,只見Robert Reid與Brian McAdam兩名吹哨者前途盡毀,沒有高層或官員要問責,潛逃加國香港重犯仍逍遙法外。

Garry Clement: “I don’t think in 30 years of being involved in police I’ve ever seen a character assassination that took place by an organisation, first from somebody that really did his job, he was very well-meaning, he represented I think what the public expects of a civil servant.”

McAdam eventually suffered a nervous breakdown and had to take early retirement.

Don Clark: “Do you ever regret having spoken out? Life would have been a whole lot easier, it isn’t?”

Brian McAdam: “No. First day I do not regret it. My ethics are such that I had to do what I did. But it’s not easy being a whistleblower.”

移民官Brian McAdam不但遭死亡恐嚇,更被迫提早退休,還患上嚴重抑鬱。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

The Mounties Creed: they always get their man. In this case the only man they got was one of their own, a lowly Corporal. The findings of the review committee are not binding, and the RCMP has refused to reinstate Robert Reid. He now spends his days volunteering at an Ottawa community center. His policing career in ruins.

皇家騎警警目Robert Reid前途盡毀,受訪時在社區中心做義工。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]

And remember the ice queen? Just months after she emigrated to Canada, she disappeared. Today, 14 years later still on Interpol’s list of most-wanted fugitives, last known address, Canada.

當年「冰后」李秋萍成功從香港抵加國後數月即人間蒸發,至今仍位列國際刑警通緝名單前茅。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]
網上流傳「冰后」李秋萍之溫哥華住所。[圖:加西網]

2. 文獻一瞥

當年僅餘檔案資料,是網上流傳加國情報部門撰寫的調查報告,名為Chinese Intelligence Services and Triads Financial Links in Canada(俗稱Sidewinder《響尾蛇報告》)。

1996年5月,加拿大安全情報局(CSIS)亞太區主管Michel Juneau-Katsuya發起與皇家騎警聯手進行大型調查行動,透過Brian McAdam的資料挖掘更大圖畫,並進行個案分析,初步報告一年後完成,隨即被高層銷毀。

加拿大安全情報局亞太區主管Michel Juneau-Katsuya當年透過移民官Brian McAdam的資料,利用情報系統跟進調查撰寫報告,結果被指陰謀論,連同一批背景資料盡被銷毀。Juneau本人被調職,更史無前例地連降兩級,後來他以保密協議換取「和平離職」,以開設國際安全顧問公司作為後路。直到警目Robert Reid向傳媒爆料並爭取復職,Juneau才接受訪問,盼為Reid及McAdam挽回聲譽。詳細背景參紀錄片製作人Veronica Alice網站。[圖:CBC(2019-2-21)]

退休警官Leo Knight網站Prime Time Crime載有報稱當年報告副本,該文件暗示,不少香港富豪挾巨資到加國開公司做生意,又收購當地企業,取得加國護照,同時充當白手套引入間諜與黑社會。

當年溫哥華報章報道[圖:The Province(1999–10–1)]
圖:退休警官Leo Knight網站Prime Time Crime所載報稱當年《響尾蛇報告》副本。

報告摘要:

Since the mid-1980s, a substantial immigration flow from Hong Kong has taken place and Canadian authorities were first alerted when a significant presence of Chinese organized crime elements among this group was detected. Many came through the “entrepreneur and “investor” immigration program and some of these criminals even have succeeded to obtain their Canadian citizenship…Hand in hand with this situation, the ChIS [Chinese Intelligence Service] make very active use of their access to Canadian industries through exchanges of specialists and students, and also set up shell companies to pursue their acquisition of economic and technological intelligence. Cooperation between the Hong Kong tycoons, the triads and the Beijing leadership adds a new dimension to the well known “mass line collection” strategy followed by the ChIS [Chinese Intelligence Service]. This situation substantially raises the level of the potential threat, revealing the effectiveness of Chinese efforts to obtain Canadian technology and their capability to interfere in the management of the country…

By using these alliances, the Chinese government is trying to gain influence on Canadian politics by maximizing their presence over some of the country’s economic levers. To that end, they proceed initially to buy and/or legally set up a company in Canada that, once under their control, buys other companies and so on. An effective domino effect ensues that acts like a well-spun web or network at strategic points. It is estimated that over 200 Canadian companies have passed into Chinese influence or ownership since the early 1980s through the triads, tycoons or China national companies. These businesses are found in various sectors of the economy, ranging from multinationals to banking, high technology and real estate… The triads’ companies are also used to pursue their criminal activities, such as money-laundering and heroin trafficking, as well as assistance to the ChIS.

Being Canadian these businesses are also eligible to receive government subsidies for research or classified contracts from Federal Departments. The risk is that after the research is done, there results can be transferred to China. Other form of risk is with the access gain through classified contract. As an example, a Canadian company under Chinese influence was in contention for a contract to set up and run a classified communications system linking the main agencies of the Canadian intelligence community. A company in Toronto specializing in video surveillance was originally Canadian, but was bought by a Chinese multinational. It is impossible at present to say how many or which Canadian companies are in the same situation. These examples, however, raise questions about the integrity of some companies that have already installed security systems for various Canadian government institutions or Canadian research industries…

The triads, the tycoons and the ChIS have learned the quick way to gain influence is to provide finance to the main political parties. Most of the companies identified in this research have contributed, sometimes several tens of thousands of dollars, to the two traditional political parties, that is, the Liberal and the Progressive-Conservative Parties…In many ways, China remains one of the greatest ongoing threats to Canada’s national security and Canadian industry.

報告引述西方情報指,九七前夕,多國入境部門都疑遭間諜與黑幫干預,看香港入境處處長梁銘彥與紅色商人徐展堂生意關係有跡可尋。

11. Even before Hong Kong’s official return to the Communists, it was established by several Western agencies that their national immigration systems had been affected by illegal ChIS and triad interference. Laurence Leung Ming-Yen, a former director of the Hong Kong immigration service, is still under investigation after he had to resign under the pressure of allegations of corruption and illegally disclosing confidential information about residents of the peninsula. The controversy surrounding Leung was fed by his business relationship with the flamboyant tycoon Tsul Tsin Tong, well known for his pro-Beijing views and a member of the notorious Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and Preparatory Committee. The murder of Leung’s young daughter in Vancouver in 1993 by a crossbow bolt has still not been solved. The Vancouver police suspect the crime was committed by triad members.

報告估計當時加國超過200間企業有紅色背景,涉及金融、地產以至高科技行業,連同好些學生與人才交流渠道都有各種安全威脅,包括毒品交易、洗黑錢、盜竊科技和其他間諜活動。報告提到,甚至加國情報部門所用錄影監控系統背後供應商也被中國財團所收購,難以估計多少資料可能外洩。

28. Semi-Tech Corporation. Semi-Tech Corporation is a Canadian multinational corporation based in Markham, Ontario. It was formed from various public companies listed on several shock exchanges, including Toronto, Montreal, New York, Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Frankfurt and Hong Kong, and has revenues of over US $3.5 billion. This corporation, and its chairman James Ting in particular, have business ties with China. Stanley Ho is the principal shareholder through his company Shun Tak (Hong Kong) and sits on Semi-Tech’s board. (UC)

29. This company has concentrated in particular on information technology, establishing Semi-Tech Microcomputers Ltd., Semi-Tech MicroElectronics Corp., Semi-Tech Electronics, Singer and STM Systems Corp. The last of these was established by the merger of Data Crown (Canada) and Canada Systems Group, two companies that count various federal government departments among their clients and some of whose employees are regularly in contract with Chinese diplomatic representatives. Of particular note is the fact that Canada Systems Group had applied to undertake the development of COSICS, the Canadian On-line Secure Information and Communication System that was to link the Department of External Affairs, the RCMP, CSIS and National Defence. The project was suspended by the federal government due to the lack of financial resources...

涉嫌盜取核科技個案:

46. All areas of the Canadian economy are targeted, but high technology is the one most at risk. Several cases of theft of Canadian proprietary information and/or technology have been reported to and investigated by Canadian authorities. For example, Ontario Hydro believes it was the victim of theft of information in the nuclear technology field by an individual of Chinese origin. This individual sent unauthorized faxes (some containing hours worth of data) to a telephone number in China, associated with the State Science and Technology Commission. In another case, a Chinese employee of a major computer company based in Canada was accused of copying the company’s proprietary information onto diskette, for the purposes of selling the information to China. In a third instance, a Canadian company alleged that one of their former employees, who had previously served in the Chinese military, stole proprietary information regarding energy technology and sold it to the Chinese government.

報告以在加國開分公司中信集團管理層網絡為例,除了有親中港商任董事,還有中國高層子弟打理旗下軍火生意,為伊朗生產化學武器。

「中共八大元老」王震之子王軍(左),曾跟隨「紅色資本家」榮毅仁組建中信集團,後來從榮毅仁之子榮智健(右)手中接任中信董事長;當年王軍同時是解放軍與中信合組軍火企業保利公司董事長。[圖:加拿大星島日報(2019年6月12日)]

21. Norinco and Poly Technology (Poly Group)[保利集團]. Northern Industrial Corporation (Norinco)[中國北方工業有限公司] and Poly Technologies[保利科技有限公司](a subsidiary of Poly Group) are both owned by China and under the control of CITIC. They have subsidies around the world, including Canada (Montreal) and the United States. Poly Group was until recently head by Deng Xiaoping’s son-in-law, He Ping[少將賀彪之子賀平,鄧小平三女鄧榕夫婿], and is part of the entrepreneurial drive of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Several large quantities of arms manufactured by Norinco have been confiscated on Indian reserves, especially those of the Mohawks. In May 1996, US authorities what they described as the biggest arms seizure on American soil, confiscating 2,000 AK-47 assault rifles and other military weapons from a warehouse in California. The US-based Chinese representatives of Poly Technologies and Norinco were arrested in connection with this affair. Although the final destination of the arms has not been determined, the Amerindians “Warriors” and American militia trails are strongly suspected by US authorities.

22. In another incident, the Rex International Development company of Hong Kong, in which Norinco is the majority shareholder, is currently under investigation possibly subject to prosecution for exporting components for the manufacturing of chemical weapons to Iran. Rex was established in 1982 as a joint venture with Norinco by Tsui Tsin-Tong, a financial partner of Li Ka-Shing. Tsui filed an application to emigrate to Canada in 1985 which has been renewed several times. His case is still not settled because he has never satisfied the Canadian authorities by providing adequate explanations of his contacts with the PLA and the ChIS. Silver City Development Ltd., which holds shares in Rex, has been used for several years by the ChIS and the Chinese leadership as an investment front and cover. (S)

23. Through the power of its multinationals industries and the billions of dollars they generate, China has been able to establish itself in the Western economy. This gave to the country an enormous advantage in the pursuit of gaining influence. In return through these subsidies and influences, they are able to open channels to facilitate access to Western power and traffic of illegal weapons and technology.

1990年代,鄧小平女婿賀平與王軍等在保利科技生意基礎上創立保利集團,經營多元化業務。[圖為賀平與夫人鄧榕2012年到遵義視察地產項目,摘自網上論壇。]
九七過渡期間,紅色港商徐展堂旗下利達時國際發展,由於懷疑涉中國伊朗軍火交易,被港府以危害公眾安全名義強迫清盤。[圖:WSJ(1997–7–16)]
2003年,獨立製作人Veronica Alice曾就這題材拍攝電視紀錄片,但從未真箇上架,她把背景資料,包括剪報和消息來源羅列於其網站中。圖為網站所載Brian McAdam繪製詳細圖表,作者說://The triumvirate, we are told, is behind the purchase of an increasing number of large Canadian corporations, bought legally by the first companies the new breed of “immigrant investors” purchased. The first company they buy is demonstrably Chinese owned, but once they buy another Canadian company, and that company buys a third, the actual ownership of the company becomes harder to trace. The scale of the influence these owners now wield, reaching across the globe from China, via Hong Kong, right across Canada, from small “investor immigrant” company to larger companies, to blue-chip Canadian corporations and beyond, is dramatically illustrated by the large, extremely detailed charts McAdam has drawn up over the years.//

最後,這些資本透過經濟擴張和以相當金額資助主要政黨,直接影響加國社會生態。報告建議,當局應成立專案小組擴展調查及開展地區行動,並與美國聯邦調查局合作。建議全部不獲接納。

3. 後續影響

加國眾議院後來就保護吹哨者進行立法,2005年2月3日,Brian McAdam與Robert Reid以受害人身份於委員會作證,間接有份促成Public Servants Disclosure Protection Act誕生。

加國移民官Brian McAdam(右)與皇家騎警警目Robert Reid,是當年赤化警報先聲。[圖:CTV W5: Corruption and Cover Up(2004)]
Public Servants Disclosure Protection Act

Brian McAdam與Robert Reid被Ryerson University的Centre for Free Expression列為Prominent Canadian Whistleblowers

Centre for Free Expression網站

近年坊間回看,有認為昔日報告所言並不完全無中生有。

圖:Vancouver Sun(2017–8–26)
2019年立法局解封機密檔案,九七前入境處長梁銘彥被飭令即時退休部份內情得見天日,除了「品格問題」,同樣引人注目是其涉紅又涉黑的生意與人脈關係。[圖:東網(2019年3月31日)]

〈加情報局曾調查 中共利用黑社會滲透加拿大〉希望之聲(2016年11月8日):

澳門的賭場是黑幫洗錢的重要渠道,中國開始打擊黑幫後,2013年至2015年間,賭業收入下降了40%。湊巧的是,被「響尾蛇」調查報告認為金融法律存在漏洞的溫哥華及多倫多房市即時升溫。卑詩省房市2012年的市值跌了20%,2013年升了12%,之後一直沒降過…

加拿大主流媒體披露了很多中國人如何把資金轉入卑詩省,並投入房市的故事。其中包括通過利用多名親友每人可匯出5萬美元的政府政策,把錢分別匯到加拿大,然後合在一起用作買房的首付款;有人通過地下錢莊把錢轉出中國,一個典型的例子,是在中國借人民幣給加拿大商人,然後在卑詩省拿加幣…

面對行業管理的各種漏洞,卑詩省政府決定取消地產行業的自我監管權,並於今年8月開始對在溫哥華地區買房的外國買家增稅15%…聯邦政府…宣布新的報稅政策,原來不需上報的自住物業交易,一律必須上報…

加拿大情報局局長Richard Fadden [圖:CTV News(2011–1–7)]

如果20年前「響尾蛇」調查行動確有那些發現的話,看起來符合了目前房市出現的情況…不幸的是,文件在曝光前,行動被突然叫停,所有文件被勒令銷毀,還有些被遺失…安全情報評審委員會對此調查後認定,報告存在很多問題… 近20年過去了,沒看到有關當局對「響尾蛇」行動及相關發現有任何解釋。不過,加拿大情報局局長法登(Richard Fadden)2010年在一次內部講話中,提到中共對加拿大的滲透情況,不巧被媒體曝光了。法登說,加拿大有2名省級廳長受到中共政府滲透。不過,在輿論要求法登公布相關細節時,法登並沒有合作。

2016年,渥太華報章專訪Brian McAdam,憶述當年揭露問題遭死亡恐嚇和上司同事排擠,導致嚴重抑鬱。McAdam丟掉工作,經過多年努力,生活才重回正軌。

Ottawa Citizen(2016–11–18)

Ottawa Citizen(2016–11–18):

The former diplomat says his whistleblowing cost him his 30-year career, triggering a deep depression that lasted more than two decades. Most of his former colleagues shun him. He says he’s endured surveillance and death threats so alarming that he once spent $10,000 to wrap his windows in bulletproof film.

As McAdam tells it, his troubles began at a Hong Kong racetrack in 1989, when someone handed him and his wife red envelopes stuffed with cash — about $300 Cdn. He refused the apparent bribe but says he soon learned that many other staff at the Canadian high commission routinely accepted the money.“I immediately became hated with a passion,” he says. “They were all fearful that I was going to do something that would threaten their jobs.”

McAdam alleges their animosity only grew after he discovered the immigration computer system at the high commission had been compromised and known members of Chinese Triad crime organization were obtaining visas. He was labelled an anti-Chinese racist and rumours were spread that he was issuing illegal visas — the very thing he says he was trying to prevent.

Some of his confidential reports, warning that Triad members “infest every immigration category,” were leaked to the Globe and Mail and newspapers in Hong Kong, McAdam says. “That’s when I started to get these intense death threats.”The threats from Triad crime figures continued for years, even after he was recalled to Ottawa in 1993, ostensibly to take up a new job that never materialized…

The severe clinical depression came on so quickly he could actually feel his brain chemistry changing, he says. He went on medical sick leave, then retired in 1995. The depression hit hardest in the early years. “He didn’t drive a car for two years, he wasn’t able to think very well, and he was very over-drugged by medication,” his wife, Marie, recalls. “It was very tough.”

…The journey to recovery gained momentum three or four years ago, when he asked his doctor to take him off the anti-depressant drug Wellbutrin…Fellow whistleblower Dr. Nancy Olivieri put him in touch with a Toronto psychiatrist who helped wean him off the drugs over a 2 1/2-year period…

Was it worth it? Would he do it again?“Unfortunately, I probably would,” he says. But he’d be much smarter…“I was writing what I found out, believing that police forces and intelligence agencies would react accordingly and do their jobs. That was the big mistake I made.”

至於警目Robert Reid,他被革職後,曾到聯邦法院上訴,2005年被法官譴責「對政府缺乏忠誠」。Reid再向最高法院上訴,2007年5月法院宣佈拒絕審理其案件

2019年,資深記者Jonathan Manthorpe在著作Claws of the Panda: Beijing’s Campaign of Influence and Intimidation in Canada梳理歷史脈絡,提及當年,認為是錯失時機。

圖:852郵報(2019年1月26日)

網上摘錄該書中譯版《大熊貓的利爪》導論:

加拿大的政治人物對於中共侵入我國的程度一直抱持懷疑,就算有強烈的證據擺在他們眼前也一樣。原因之一似乎是,他們對加拿大的國安和情報工作長久以來缺乏敬意。這些機構過去的歷史確實也問題多多;後文將會提到,加拿大安全情報局(CSIS)是在1980年代和1990年代歷經重重困難才得以建立,其間又發生情報局提出一份報告,內容是關於中共對我國進行代號「響尾蛇行動」的滲透,結果卻遭到國會嚴詞批評的事件。不過,近年來國會和情報機構的關係似已趨向穩定。彼此之間的尊重日增…

因為害怕被貼上種族歧視的標籤,使得關於中共代理人在加拿大活動的討論非常受限。無可否認,我國歷史上曾有過種族歧視的法律和規定是針對將入籍的華裔移民和其他亞裔移民。對這段歷史所感到的愧疚,在公眾人物之間生出一種充滿戒心的態度…但這樣一來就將武器交給了中共影響力的代理人…把中共滲透加拿大一事看成種族主義,不但是錯誤,更是危險的。這並不是種族主義。這是某一特定政權在其歷史上的某一時期為了自身利益所編出來的故事。中共把海外華人看成一種可以運用並加以濫用的資產,不僅對一般加拿大人來說是威脅,對華裔加拿大人來說更是如此…

中共操作起來最得心應手的場域是在它熟悉的中華文化圈…他們在西方民主社會中最好運作的情形,就是找到可以迷惑和收買的人…加拿大為中共提供了源源不絕的好用的白痴[按:前蘇共用語],包括政黨與政府領袖、基層政治人物、天真又驕傲的學者、貪婪又好騙的商務人士,甚至某些目光短淺、歷練不夠的記者。他們當中的許多人為了替自己的貪念找藉口,便告訴自己,多與中共接觸,黨就會感受到加拿大價值的美好。一旦黨員們見識到自由民主政體帶來了自由與人權,他們就會迫不及待地推動中國走上改革之路…

Claws of the Panda: Beijing’s Campaign of Influence and Intimidation in Canada(2019)

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