六四後美國國會一片制裁浪潮。立法局議員李柱銘多番奔走促請美方保護香港民主自由，同時不要制裁中國，以免損害香港經濟。經過兩年多，美國參眾兩院制訂《香港政策法》，按聯合聲明關注香港自治，既承認中國主權，又區隔對待香港經濟外交等範疇。法案緩和了制裁浪潮，化解中國經濟危機，也為九七後香港白手套生意奠下國際基礎。
話說1989年6月下旬，立法局議員李柱銘應邀往美國國會聽證會作證，曾促請美方制裁中國消滅政權，後來放棄這論調。
據報道，李柱銘在聽證會上主張經濟制裁中國政權，又揚言會繼承六四死難者遺志為中國民主戰鬥到底。
1989年6月24日《英文虎報》：
His question to US policy-makers was whether they thought the Chinese people would rather see sanctions, which would increase the chances of a policy change in Beijing, or see life go on as if nothing had happened…“I urged them to spare a thought for those who died for democracy and human rights, for those tens of thousands of university students who are still hiding, and the millions of Chinese who yearn for democracy.”He repeated his comparison of the present Beijing regime to Nazi Germany and ended with a reference to those who died: “My sons and daughters, may you rest in peace, for though unarmed, you fought the good fight, and we, the living, will take over your fight and will not give up until your dreams of democracy, nad human rights, become a reality in China.”
另方面，李柱銘又強調中國法律背景與自由世界有別，若當局是依法審訊，外人不應批評其判刑過重。
翌年2月基本法定稿，李柱銘到美國參議院外交委員會聽證會，主力是批評基本法違背聯合聲明承諾，九七後只有1/3立法會直選議席。
同年5月，李再赴美會見負責東亞的助理國務卿Richard Solomon及相關官員，要求對方支持香港民主自由。美方說會密切關注，但主要希望中英合作，避免過度介入引發中方更強硬反應。
SCMP(1990–5–3):
An Official said” “Internationalising Hongkong could be seen as neutralising China’s sovereignty. And that could make China dig its heels in even more.”
李柱銘原盼見美國總統但不得要領，卻見了國會精英，包括參議院共和黨領袖Robert Dole、參議員Mitch McConnell (後來法案倡議者之一)、Richard Lugar與Bill Bradley、眾議員John Porter(另一法案倡議者)與Henry Hyde、眾議院外事委員會成員Stephen Solarz等，當時眾議員Nancy Pelosi仲話遺憾錯過「與李食晏」。李柱銘又拜會傳統基金會、美中關係委員會、華盛頓記者俱樂部等團體，被《南華早報》記者褚簡寧嘲為人肉錄音機，所有場合都說同一篇稿，連開場笑話都一樣。
其後李柱銘撰文指美國要有全面香港政策確保香港國際貿易中心地位。文章被美國參議員Paul Simon引用，列入國會記錄：
Despite a strong-and growing-U.S. stake in the future of Hong Kong. the United States Government has no comprehensive policy towards the British-controlled territory, which in 1997 will revert to China… the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre and the brutal post-massacre crackdown have shattered any illusion that the interests of Hong Kong are Still in harmony with the interests of China and Great Britain. The people of Hong Kong are convinced that only a democratic legislature can preserve the autonomy and freedoms guaranteed under the Joint Declaration…Paul Simon強調，美方再不出手，其利益就會受損：
The United States must end its charade that Britain and China will act to protect Hong Kong’s interests. The 62,000 people who will emigrate from Hong Kong this year and the hundreds of thousands who plan to emigrate before 1997 do not share this belief. The U.S., instead, must enact a forward-looking policy now. For if the outflow of people and capital continues to increase, Hong Kong will face a crisis long before 1997, and any such crisis will gravely damage U.S. interests… the central aspect of the policy is the demand that China fully adhere to the terms of the 1984 Joint Declaration. in doing so, the United States would explicitly reaffirm its recognition of Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong after 1997… Yet, it demands that China resume sovereignty under the terms it promised in a binding international agreement…
那段時期，美國國會一直爭論中國最惠國待遇問題，李柱銘雖得美國港僑組織和眾議員Nancy Pelosi支持，但處境尷尬。台灣學人林碧雲指出，香港民主派和商界接連訪美遊說，兩方都「代表香港」卻向美方傳遞矛盾信息：民主派期望美方用經濟壓力迫使中國給予香港民主人權；港府和港商則呼籲美方不要損害中國生意和香港利益。結果在這前題下，民主派亦不敢「去得太盡」。
林碧雲(2009)《1992年美國－香港政策法之決策分析》261–265：
1991年11月初，李柱銘接連訪問英、美，爭取支持香港之民主…反對中共政權相當激烈的眾議員裴洛西也力挺李柱銘…在眾議院聽證會上說，美國 — 香港政策法」是重要的，因為該法對「聯合聲明」中的「一國兩制」嚴格詮釋，確認美國對香港和中國大陸分開地處理外交和經濟關係，鼓勵香港的自主，並對港人提供一些保護。又說，「由於中國政府人權紀錄可悲，數以千計民主人士仍陷囹圄，國會應迫切地支持那些要求民主的香港人士，尤其李柱銘等民主派，他們在1997年以後可能會被鎮壓。」…1990–92年間，國會中熱烈討論的還有中國大陸的最惠國待遇議題。一般說來，支持中國大陸和香港的人權與民主的議員是反對續予中國大陸最惠國待遇或主張附加條件的。因此香港民主派人士面對兩難。一方面，他們企圖利用美國的經濟槓桿(附加條件的最息國待遇)來迫使北京在處理國內事務和對港關係時更加開明。另一方面他們又害怕，支持這類措施將傷害香港經濟和香港市民。大多數香港市民都很清楚一個貧窮的、不安定的中國大陸將始終對香港這塊彈丸之地構成威脅，大陸的形勢越糟糕，香港的情況也就越壞。因此，在1990年以後的幾次訪美行程中，李柱銘皆明確地表示反對取消最惠國待遇。李柱銘等民主派人士遊說對象主要是媒體、持同情態度的國會議員和其幕僚、人權組織，遊說重點集中在香港的民主；但是港府和香港商界則多向美國商界、行政部門和關心貿易的國會議員提出無條件延長中國大陸最惠國待遇之訴求。結果是美國人搞不清香港究竟想要什麼，誰是它的真正代言人。此種現實，最終促使華府採取比較周全(thoughtful)、精細的(nuanced)政策反應。這種政策反應在「美國 — 香港政策法」中…
美國學者David Lampton引述港府高官說話，形容《香港政策法》來得剛剛好，「打還打唔好打臉」，緩和了國會反華情緒，令中國保住最惠國待遇。
Lampton(2003)《同床異夢：處理1989至2000年之中美外交》250–251：
李柱銘(香港民主同盟即後來的香港民主黨的主席)孜孜不倦地爭取美國國會的支援，尤其是拉攏參議院外交委員會的委員及其助手班子，還有米奇‧麥康奈爾(Mitch McConnell)參議員…香港民主團體內部的力量，促成了《1992年美國對香港政策法案》中發揮了不小的作用…然而，在此同時，李柱銘卻擔心，美國國會在熱情支援香港的民主和香港地區及中國大陸的人權之時，可能會取消對北京的最惠國待遇，從而傷害香港的經濟和香港市民。在1990年以後的幾次訪美行程中，李柱銘明確地表示，取消最惠國待遇不受已經憂心仲仲的香港市民包括許多民主活躍分子的歡迎…在天安門鎮壓事件之後…倫敦和香港政府都覺得，如果沒有《美國對香港政策法案》來安撫怒氣沖沖的美國國會議員的話，那麼，美國國會取消最惠國待遇的幾率將會增加，而在他們看來，取消最惠國待遇是一個糟糕得多的選擇…一位最高級的港府官員…對我描述了這項發揮微妙平衡作用的法案：「(這項法案)用意很好，也是需要的。我們不想看到最惠國待遇被取消。(在這項法案上)我們的公開立場是，這是美國的事情。在私下裡，我們有些著急…中國人要我們在美國國會裡進行干預，反對這項法案。採取在華府公開反對這項法案的立場，會損害我們(延長)最惠國待遇問題上的利益」。
1992年8月11日，外交委員會所修訂的《香港政策法》法案在眾議院進行全體辯論。
民主黨美屬薩摩亞代表Eni Faleomavaega：
First, the bill makes explicit what is implicit regarding United States relation with Hong Kong once sovereignty over the territory reverts to China in 1997…Second, the bill constructs a bridge across the 1997 divide, so that, where appropriate, United States laws that are currently being applied to Hong Kong may continue to apply after reversion, and international agreements to which the United States and Hong Kong are parties may continue in force… Third, and most importantly, the bill expresses a political commitment that the Government and people of the United States Will remain concerned about the welfare and well-being of the people of Hong Kong. Because of the admiration Americans have for the accomplishments of the people of Hong Kong, and because of the many ways in which the residents of Hong Kong have enriched our country, It is natural that we will remain concerned about their fate and future.
外交委員會副主席William Broomfield:
Hong Kong is one of our key trading partners, a major target for United States investment, and the base for more than 900 American firms doing business in the region. It is also the gateway for United States business into the growing economy of southern China. But while much of the world moves toward greater democracy and market economies, Hong Kong could be forced to move in the opposite direction in 1997. This concern arises because on July 1, 1997, Hong Kong will go from colonial British rule to Chinese sovereignty. Under the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, Hong Kong is supposed to be administered as a special administrative region. Its economic structure and the fundamental rights of its people are guaranteed for 50 years.This bill supports the continuation, within the context of the Joint Agreement, of the many ties — from commercial and transportation arrangements to cultural and educational exchanges — between the United States and Hong Kong. The bill also restates the United States laws and international agreements that apply to Hong Kong, and establishes the conditions for maintaining them. These measures will help build confidence in Hong Kong and help its people maintain their political freedoms and human rights.
呼應參議員Mitch McConnell的1731法案，在眾議院引入香港政策法案H.R.3522的議員John Porter以例證概述法案的具體意義：
In the past, questions regarding Hong Kong have usually been considered in the context of a broader policy toward China or Southeast Asia. Today, however, the impending transfer of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to China in 1997 and the substantial and growing economic links between the United States and Hong Kong have led to a greater understanding of Hong Kong’s importance to the United States in its own right…It has become apparent to me, however, that the guarantees of autonomy for Hong Kong are meaningless unless other nations step forward and amend their laws to allow for continued bilateral relations with Hong Kong after the Chinese resume sovereignty. Under current United States law, Hong Kong will be treated as a unified part of China after 1997 and the provisions of the Joint Declaration win be meaningless in the context of the United States-Hong Kong relationship.For example, if Congress takes no action, Hong Kong would be treated as part of China for the purposes of export controls. In practical terms, this means that Hong Kong, one of Asia’s largest and most advanced banking entities, would not have access to the state-of-the-art American-made supercomputers they need to continue to serve business in Hong Kong, including American business, because under our law these computers are not made available to China. Also, under current law Hong Kong would be treated as part of mainland China for purposes of trade quotas. This bill allows the United States Customs Service to give Hong Kong separate status and recognize Hong Kong certificates of origin after 1997.The list goes on and on. Without a change in United States law, it is unclear whether the United States could recognize Hong Kong passports or visas. Although Hong Kong holds membership in GATT, it is unclear whether the United States could give Hong Kong and China different MFN status after 1997 without this change in United States law…I introduced this legislation because I believe that the United States has a very real, legitimate, and growing interest in the future of Hong Kong and must be pro-active in protecting its interests. H.R. 3522 is based on the premise that Hong Kong will be allowed to exercise a high degree of autonomy after 1997. In order to exercise this autonomy in the context of a bilateral relationship with the United States, United States law must be altered to recognize Hong Kong’s unique status. Specifically, this bill recognizes that… Congress welcomes implementation of the one country, two systems policy under which Hong Kong will retain its current lifestyle, and legal, social, and economic systems until at least the year 2047… This bill also contains provisions requiring that reports submitted to Congress on a country-by-country basis contain a separate subreport for Hong Kong under the heading of the state that exercises sovereignty over Hong Kong.
在政策法一役李柱銘成了香港國際代言人，被稱港版葉利欽、港版達賴。
Nancy Tucker(1995)《不確定的友情：台灣、香港與美國1945–1992》400：
在著手通過這項法案的同時，國會還舉行聽證會，讓香港公民有機會把他們的兩難處境公諸於眾。李柱銘很快成為最有名的代言人之一，他對眾議院人權委員會說，「英國把五百五十萬香港人交給中國可以同第二次世界大戰期間把五十五萬猶太人交給納粹德國相比。」一些眾議員把李柱銘叫做「香港的葉爾辛」，另外一些人則把他叫做「香港的達賴喇嘛」。謠傳麥康納法案的第一稿就是他起草的。
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